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Brzesc nad Bugiem. The Columbia
Encyclopedia, Sixth Edition. 2001
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http://wanclik.free.fr/ozarowiec.htm
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- Christening of Kyivan Rus'-Ukraine, |
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After the christianisation of Kyivan Rus', through the 11th-12th
centuries, the Kyivan metropolitanate (initially Eastern rite and,
later, Orthodox) gradually encompassed all the eastern Slavic lands and
oriented them towards |
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The text was
translated into English |
The monastery in
Suprasl
The
Internet page of the Monastery in Suprasl:
www.monaster-suprasl.com.pl
The Monastery in Suprasl was established in 1500. The founders of
the monastery were voivode of Nowogrodek Aleksander Chodkiewicz, the
owner of Grodek and Zabludow as well as archbishop of Smolensk Jozef Soltan
(later the metropolitan of Kijev). The Monastery in Suprasl soon became the
second important monastic centre following Kijev-Pieczersk Lavra. Monks from
Suprasl had an enormous influence on the development of religious and national
consience of the population of Bialystok's region.
The original placement of the monastery took place in 1498,
near the castle on the territory of Grodek. However, this place was not
suitable for secluded life. For this reason some of the monks went back to
Kijev, and the others moved in 1500 to the place named Suchy Hrod giving the
beginning to Suprasl Lavra. In 1501 a wooden church under the invocation of St.
John the Theologian, the patron of the Aleksander Chodkiewicz's father - Iwan,
who had died in the Turkish captivity. Two years later the construction of a
brick church under the invocation of the Annunciation of the Holy Virgin Mary
was started. Those investments could only be put into practice owing to the
help of the benefactors: Aleksander Chodkiewicz and bishop Jozef Soltan as well
as many other representatives of the Orthodox Church. The foundation of
monastic churches was confirmed with a tomos of the Ecumenical Patriarch of
Constantinople Joachim. Archbishop Jozef Soltan (later Kijev's Metropolitan)
gave the copy of the Miraculous Icon of the Mother of God, which he had brought
from Smolensk, to the monastery as a present. It later became famous as the
Suprasl Icon of the Mother of God.
In XVI century Suprasl Monastery maintained close contacts
with the major centres of religious life of the Orthodox Church in the country
and abroad. The sign of growing importance of the monastery was its raising to
the dignity of "Lavra" and bestowing a mitre to archimandryte
Tymoteus in 1582 by the Patriarch of Serbia and Bulgaria - Gabriel. The
Monastery in Suprasl become a territory of interaction of various religious
currents and cultures of many Slavic nations. The architecture and painting of
sacral buildings as well as the collections of monastic library are the example
of this interaction. The originality of the architecture of the defensive
temple consisted in the combination of Gothic and Byzantine styles in church's
construction. The accomplishment of this project led to rarely encountered
extension of the church vault, building four miniature side towers and a
substantial number of rifle ranges in the main cornice. The construction of the
building resembles the defensive churches of St. Sophia in Polock, in
Synkowicze and Malomozejkow. During the reign of archimandryte Sergiusz Kimbar
a group of painters under the direction of Serbian Nectarios the painter
decorated the interior of the temple with frescos. The style of the frescos
resembles the monuments of Serbian monumental paitning, and especially the
decor of the monastery in Manasia from 1418. The monastic library possessed
about 200 manuscripts and printed books in 1557, and in 1645 their number
increased to almost 600. The monastery maintained close contacts with the
capital of the Metropolity. The father of congregation's founder - Iwan
Chodkiewicz was a Kijev voivode. The second funder Jozef Soltan became the
Kijev Metropolitan in 1504. The chapels of the church under the invocation of
tha Annunciation of the Holy Virgin Mary were devoted to the Kijev saints:
Teodozius of Pieczersk, Borys and Gleb.
The Monastery of Suprasl was the place where many
outstanding writers, religious and political activists stayed. Ecumenical
Patriarch of Carogrod (Constantinople) Jeremiash, who was on his way back
to Moscow, came to Lavra of Suprasl in 1589. He reformed the monastic
congregation and made it the main fulcrum (centre) of the Orthodox Church in
the west of Lithuania. The monastery gained then the name of the cultural
centre with Slavic-wide meaning. Lavra of Suprasl became the centre of
theological thought of the Orthodox Church and the cradle of many polemical
works. The monks who were defending the dogma of "Greek faith" were
open to new trends of philosophical thought which was reflected in sacral art,
editorial and polemic activity. These factors contributed to the fact that the
Suprasl centre became one of the main orthodox monastic centres in Polish
Kingdom in XVI century.
During the council of Brzesc in 1596, archimandryte of the
Monastery Hilarion Masalski was among the major opponents of the union. For
this reason, uniats bishops wanted to subordinate the monastery to their
jurisdiction. Despite the monks resistance the monastery was taken over by the
Uniats in 1609. Uniats metropolitans changed the character of the monastery
assigning it a residential function. In XVII and XVIII century the new
buildings for monks as well as abbot's palace were built. The largest
investments were made while Uniats metropolitan Leon Kiszka was residing in the
monastery. At the point the Monastery of Suprasl was the place of numerous
basilians congregations. Since 1692 a printing house has been opened in the
monastic building site which was printing books in Russian, Polish and Latin.
The monastery was returned to orthodoxy in 1824. Since that year a
renewed period of its magnificence has started which lasted till the outbreak
of First World War. Suprasl again became the main centre of religious and
intellectual life in
Parish
feasts:
- the feast of the Icon of the Suprasl Mother of God - August 10 (July
28, old style)
- the Annunciation of the Holy Lady Virgin Mary - April 7 (March 25, old
style)
- the feast of
In 1998, His Holiness Ecumenical Patriarch BARTHOLOMEW I paid a visit in
the Suprasl monastery (15.10.1998). The distinguished guest was interested in
the progress of works over the reconstruction of the monastery. The visit of
the Patriarch of Constantinople took place again in the important moment in the
history of the Suprasl Lavra, when monastery strted regaining its previous
magnificence.
Prof. Michal Hruszewski
UKRAINIAN NOBILITY AT
THE BREAK OF 16 AND 17 CENTURIES.
A part of vol. 6
"History of Ukraine-Ruthenia", chapter 3 "Cultural and national
relations: national composition and national element". Translation reviewed
and corrected by the author (applies to Polish translation -sp).
Printed in: History of
Ukraine, Commemorative Volume, edited by W. Lipinski, Kiev 1908
National relations in
various parts of Ukraine were different during 14-16 centuries as a result of
different political, economical and colonization conditions. Consequently, at
the turn of 16 century these relations were quite different in different parts
of the Ukraine. It seems useful to introduce a division of the Ukrainian lands
into certain parts, which varied under aforementioned aspect one from another
and then these parts shall be examined separately. Therefore, is seems
appropriate to distinguish Western strip containing Red Ruthenia, Podolia,
lands of Chelm and Podlasie with the Brzesc-Lithuanian part of the basin of Bug
river, and Pinsk area, the right-bank strip with remaining part of the Bug
river basin and with the Dniepr basin, and at the end beyond-the Dniepr strip.
Red Ruthenia. The earliest evolution
of the national relations was noted in the Western strip, and these changes
were by far the strongest. I have proved before that during 1340-1370 wars for
Red Ruthenia, the privileged classes of the Ukrainian inhabitants suffered most
and were then greatly weakened (The History of Ukraine-Ruthenia, t. 4,
p. 61-2, 5. p. 20-3). Those taking active part in the defense of the country
against Polish occupation, after Polish victory, were forced - had they not
been killed - either to migrate to Wolyn lands or to the Bug river basin, or,
in result of the confiscation of the estates, they were pushed down the social
ladder. Their place and wherever it was possible, the Polish government
introduced privileged Polish elements, or foreign, being supporters of Polish
colonization. The government generously distributed ample lands and estates,
extensive like principalities, such as Rzeszow lands given to Jan Pokoslaw,
Sambor lands given to the Spytkos, Laroslaw lands offered to the Tarnowskis,
immense latifundia of the Odrowazs, Kmitas, Buczackis and smaller estates
confiscated and taken away from the locals, sometimes "nullo jure
possessores", being not able to produce legal documents proving their
claim, as well as farms and villages belonging to peasant freeholders. Poles
and other foreigners, fulfilling Polish policies, receive high administrative
offices. Burgher class is mixed with Polish and foreign element in big towns,
it comes even to the peasant masses in villages settled based on German law.
At the break of 14 and
15 centuries there is still significant number of the local clans, being
however, pushed out to the background. Interesting reflection of these
relations we can see in the jurors panel judging case of Jagiello against
Elzbieta Pilecka in Medyka in 1404. Following nobles and dignitaries took part
in the panel: Maciej, bishof of Przemysl and Athanazy, the esquire, Jan of
Tarnow, the Rusyn subprececf, Kmita, the Sandomierz palatine, Iwo of Kleczyca,
Benko of Zabokruki, Janko of Mazovia, Mikolaj of Kulikow, Jaszko Klus, Krystyn
of Marcinkowicze, Mikolaj Pstroski, Jaszko Fortuna, Franciszek Borsnicz, Hrynko
Sokolecki, Andrijko and Hrycko Bybelskis, Hrycko Kierdejowicz, Hlib
Dziadkowicz, Wolczko Presluzycz, Danylo Zaderewicki, Kostko Solneczkowicz,
Kostko, the Przemysl judge, Jacko, the Sanok judge, Wasko Teptiukowicz,
Mychajlo Procowicz, Drahut (or Drahin) The Walachian, Chodko Czemer, Juryj and
Wasko Moszonczyce, Wolczko Kuzmicz, Mychajlo Senkowicz, Iwan Danslawicz,
Oleszko Hrudkowicz, Wasko Czortkowicz.
Document in
Czartoryskis' library in two original texts, Ukrainian (Rusyn) and Latin. First
published in archives J.Z.R. and at Holowacki; new edition (facsimile) in
"Paleograficzeskije snimki" I N.31, the Latin text published
not long time ago in vol. IV of Kodeks Malopolski, l. 1084. The Ukrainian text
some Polish names have Rusyn form, in Latin just opposite. Therefore both texts
shall be taken carefully into account. Compare this register with some
information from last quarter of the 14 century and first years of 15 century,
such as the sale contract of the Kalenik monastery 1378 (Town and land archives
II l. 9), where we can meet old Chodko Bybelski with Dworskowiczs, Grozd, Wasko
Kuzmicz and others, ib. IV.19,V.14 etc.
This panel of
significant "nobles and gentry of the Ruthenia lands", how they are
called in the document, in fact the Western part of Ruthenia, Przemysl area,
shows remarkable number of the Rusyns (Hrynko Sokolecki and subs., except
Drahin, are probably all Rusyns). However, they are mentioned after Poles, and
there are no dignitaries among them, except Kostka Bolestraszycki, the Przemysl
judge, and Jacek, the Sanok judge, by no means high ranking officers (fact from
before legal reform in Red Ruthenia. Similar relations we see in Eastern part
of Red Ruthenia. There, in first half of th 15 century we can see still a great
number of well off Ukrainian (Rusyn) aristocracy, but also without influence
and on rather low offices.
The Lviv and Zydaczow
lands Confederation Act more than a half of the nobility names are names of the
Ukrainian nobles, sometimes with Rusyn seals, such as Jursza of Chodorowstaw,
Stanko of Dawidowa (in 1410 he was named Ostaszko of Dawidow), Dmytro
Lahodowski, Martyn Kalenyk of Podhajce, Michno and Paszko of Borszczow, Juryj
of Malczyce, Senko Halka of Iljaszow, Senko of Nahorce, Olechno, Marko and
Lenko of Drohoszow, Petro Wolczko of Kolodenice, Stecko, Onyszko and
Stecko-Ilko of Czerkasy, Dmytro and Jacko of Didoszyce (Diduszykis), Jacko of
Roznitow, Andrejko of Swaryczow, Iwaszko of Duliby, Iwan of Koszawa, Oleksa and
Luczko of Witwice, Danko, Myka and Senko of Balice, Jacko of Nowosielice.
Town and land archives.
VII, 55; description of the seal p. 108-109; the Cyrillic descriptions are on 8
seals, some have Latin description but with Rusyn forms of names, like Michn...
de Borsofsky, Ilko, Stecko dominus de Sirkaz, (Iac)konis de Dzedosicze.
Rusyns during 15 century
still are among dignitaries and on the offices, either elected or as king's
nominees. Senko of Siennow (de Syennow) is the Przemysl chamberlain and a tutor
during 1436-37 confederation, Ihnat of Kutyszcze for long years was a Halich
judge (1438-1471), Wasko of Rybotyczewas a Przemysl judge (and a sub-judge
before that) (1460-67) , Jacko Bybelski is a master of the pantry, and Olechno
alias Aleksander Porochnicki a deputy master of the pantry for Przemysl,
Hlib-Mikolaj of Siennow is known as a sub-judge (1471-77), and one of
Porochnickis was a Przemysl castellan (1449-54).
Dates as shown in the
respective archives.
But it is also a period
of fast denationalization of the more prominent Ukrainian clans, which still
were present among upper classes of the local nobility. They slowly melted away
and disappeared among new incoming Polish element. The major factors causing
aforementioned denationalization were: the same feudal interest, pursuing of
actual (not only legal) equality with privileged Polish aristocracy, aspiration
of obtaining all these prerogatives and honors available only to the Polish
magnates and nobility, influence of the Polish culture and growing pressure of
the Catholicism, which was conquering new Ukrainian lands and finally, mixed
marriages between Rusyns and Poles. "When it happened - wrote Jan
Prochnicki (Porochnicki), Lviv archbishop and great supporter of Jesuits,
himself being of Ukrainian ancestry, on the process of polonization of Ukraine
- that a girl was an only daughter with estate or a rich widow, the kings would
send the Polish nobles to Ruthenia, (faverunt) and helped them with their
influence to get married and it resulted with filling Ruthenia with religionem
catholicam romanam. The rest, perfecit vigilantia pastorum (was done by the
perfection of the priests), that the previous masters of Ruthenia went to the
Roman church, eiurate schismate graeco (throwing away the Greek schism).
Excerpts from that
family chronicle of archbishop Prochnicki, written in first quarter of
the 17th century, are given in the 48th volume of "Zapiski nauk. Tow. im.
Szewczenki", p. 6
It is quite impossible
to attribute so great influence to the mixed marriages, however, the fact is
that those marriages caused a great number of the Ukrainian estates went to the
Polish hands and they were a direct cause of polonization of Ukrainian families
or clans. The Bybelski clan in which archbishop Prochnicki had his roots - one
of the best off Ukrainian clans in Red Ruthenia - let the granddaughter of
Chodko Bybelski, Duchna marry a Pole, Jan Barzy of Bolozow
(Beginnings of the
family unclear, but judging from the names, already in first half of the 15th
century the family was if not Polish, then polonized. The following may serve
as a documentation of that kind of marriages - one of many: generosa Oluchna de
Hermanow consors generosus Albert Svathek de Uyasd iudicis castr. leopoliensis.
Town and Land archives VII, 53)
and the family of the
latter, enriched with the Bybelskis estates, gained high offices and senatorial
chairs in 16 century, not available for Bybelskis. Marriage articles related to
the marriage between Senko Bybelski and Fredro of Pliszowice from 1441 says
that Fredro will give his daughter to Senko, under conditions that Senko will
become a roman catholic. "Noble Frydro of Pliszowice - we can read there -
and nobles Jacko of Bybel and his brother voluntarily agreed that Frydro will
give his daughter Jadwiga to Senko of Bybel as a wife, under a condition that
the marriage will be executed in four years, together with the wedding (in
quatuor annis debet fore copula et cum hoc nupcie), and if any party will not
hold to the agreement, it will pay to the other party one thousand grzywny as
pledge, and Senko, with similar pledge, will become a roman catholic before the
wedding (et etiam Senko sub eodem vadio debet se baptizare prius quam
copulam contraheret), and Frydro will give to Senko two hundred grzywny of
dowry and clothing worth same. Senko shall pay his wife Jadwiga dowry of 600
grzywny secured on the half of the estates he will receive.
(Town and land archives,
XIII, 1491)
That kind of evolution
was taking place during 15th and 16th centuries within families and other
private arrangements. The proof of the evolution could be double names being in
use in second half of the 15th century by people representing Ukrainian
families of Red Ruthenia, those Costhko alias Joannes Porochnicki, Joannes
alias Hrycko Bybelski, Hlib-Mikolaj of Siennow etc.
(Town and lands
archives, VII 63, IX 81 i 110, and indexes, vol. XIII i XVII)
In general, history of
polonization of the Ukrainian families was never examined and explored in spite
of fact that it is extremely interesting from the cultural point of view and
that there is abundance of documents related to it.
In 16th century there
was almost no magnate families in Red Ruthenia, which would perserve in Ukrainian
(Rusyn) nationality.
Al. Jablonowski names
(Zr. Dziejowe, XVIII cz. II str.287-288)* such magnate families out of old
aborigin clans as the Lipskis, (decendands of Dymitr of Goraj, endowed by
Casimir the Great with immense estates in Chelm lands, the Czurylos (from the
same clan), the Bybelskis-Nowomiejskis - all using coat of arms Korczak. The
Danilowiczs, Dzieduszyckis and Tarnawskis - using arms Sas. The Kierdejs,
Wapowskis, Lahodowskis - using other arms. Except Lahodowskis, which still in
16th century show off their Rusyn origin by care of Uniow monaster, the others
denationalized by the end of first half of the 16th century, mostly even before
the 16th century outbreak.
* Due to the problem of
great interest, here and in a few other paragraphs we quote extensively
Alexander Jablonowski's "Zrodla dziejowe", which were mentioned by
prof. Hruszevskij. Editors
"By nature of
things the Rusyn magnates should have major influence in Ruthenia. The boyar
families were powerful there during Ruryk descendants rule and could not be
moved out by new sovereign - Casimir the Great and his successors. That was
what happened. Taking into consideration both immediate results and historic
data we shall conclude that first Polish rulers maintained good relations with
important boyar families leaving them at their estates." Then the author
names these boyar familes mentioned above by prof. Hruszevskij. Al. Jablonowski
counts also the Komarnicki family (perhaps with a kind of question mark) using
arms Junosza into boyars. Then "the intermediate link between old Rusyn
and pure Polish families were houses, which came to Ruthenia during Opolczyk's
rule from Silesia or Moravia, such as the Herburts using arms Paweza and
undoubtedly the Fredros using arms Boncza (or from Hungary)" writes Mr.
Jablonowski. Further Jablonowski writes: "so numerous formerly in Red
Ruthenia and in other Rustyn lands boyar class, now at the end of 16th century
semmed ceased to exist. It splitted into two parts: one got itself luckily into
file of nobles-gentry endowed with Polish laws, the other pauperized, fell to
the class of simple servants, serfs, etc." (p. 175-176)
Few better off noble
families remained, which could be counted into Ukrainian (Rusyn) population by
their national identification. In known for example petitions of 1539-1540 to
the Metropolitan in regard with the Halicz eparchy, following Red-Rusyn nobles
took a part: Marek Szumlanski, Iwan Stanimirski, Iwan and Stefan Demidecki,
Nikandro Switelnicki, Michal and Marek Balaban, Pawel Zeliborski, Iwan Lopatka,
Piotr Uhernicki, Wasko, Trufan and Iwan Grabowiecki, Iwan and Pawel
Zahwozdecki, Olechno Zamostski, Iwan Dubrowicki, Wasyl and Olechno Czolhanski,
Iwan and Wasko Roznitowski, Raszko and Stefan Swaryczewski, Deonisij and Iwan
Horbaczewski, Iwan and Pawel Sambor, Michal and Jacko Jaczniski.
(Archives Z. R. II, 193
and 198)
From aforementioned
noble families a few could be counted as wealthy: the Balabans, perhaps the
Demideckis and Czolhanskis; the remaining group belongs to moderately wealthy
or petty like the Grabowieckis, Dubrowickis, Rozniatowskis, Swaryczewskis,
Jaczniskis, etc.
( See at Jablonowski
after p. 339 and next, passim*.)
*) "Petty gentry of
Rusyn origin. We have deliberated a little - writes Jablonowski - about certain
characteristic order of propagation of Rusyn families, known or little known. And
it is not a small retnue by no means! Firstly, all houses and families using
arms Sas (about 50 families, page 340) just Rusyns, if we discount a
legend originating their roots behind the Mountains of Beskid, from Hungarian
Walachia. Immediately next to those, there are families with arms Wreby and
Korczak (circa 40 families, page 341), probably the aboriginal Ruthenia. Also,
although not to same extent, arms Kierdeja are of old Rusyn origin; and with
rather Turkish than Hungarian roots come Salawa and Holobok. That is it! The
remaining part of the old Rusyn families and houses adjusted their original
seal signs to well established already Polish arms, or just adopted them. More
often than others such as Nieczuja, Sulima, Junosza, Jastrzab,
Ostoja".
Those gentry folk of
Ukrainian (Rusyn) progeniture settled widely Red Ruthenia (particularly
Przemysl lands) already in 16th century. Later, in 17th century all Rusyn
families removed earlier by the government from everything giving income and
influence, joined those aforementioned. Propagating and growing in numbers, the
petty nobility was loosing their holdings and meaning and finally, it landed
among petty landlords, except of course those families extinct earlier or
polonized during 16th century. As a result, we can see first half of the 17th
century Ruthenia following Rusyn families of petty gentry.
( Lozinski "Prawem
i Lewem" I, p. 290-1, gives a list of those families together with other
pertinent data. The list, however, is by no means exhaustive, therefore I am
adding a number of names being conscious that it will still remain far from
being complete and there is a number of names left.)
In Halicz area we have:
the Berezowskis, Chocimirskis, Drogomireckis, Grabowieckis, Holynskis,
Kniahynickis, Krechowieckis, Medynskis, Swistelnickis, Sulatyckis, Strutynskis,
Tatomirs, Uhernickis, Wolkowickis, Zeliborskis, Zurakowskis; in Lviv region:
the Balickis, Czolhanskis, Dubrowskis, Hoszowskis, Kopeckis, Lozinskis,
Podwysockis, Podlasieckis, Pletenieckis, Pohoreckis, Popiels,
Przedrzymirskis, Swirskis, Semihinowskis, Srokowskis, Winnickis, Witnickis; in
Przemysl region: the Baczynskis, Bereznickis, Bilinskis, Bojarskis,
Bratkowskis, Dobrianskis, Horodynskis, Horodyskis, Ilnickis, Jaminskis,
Jasienickis, Jaworskis, Kolnofojskis, Koblanskis, Komarnickis, Kopystynskis,
Krynickis, Kruszelnickis, Kulczyckis, Litynskis, Luckis, Monastyrskis,
Matkowskis, Paclawskis, Podhorodeckis, Popiels, Radylowskis,
Rytarowskis, Sieleckis, Sozanskis, Smereczanskis, Stupnickis, Terleckis,
Tureckis, Turianskis, Tustanowskis, Uniatyckis, Uruskis, Winnickis,
Wysoczanskis, Zeliborskis; in Sanok region: Dobrianskis and Lozinskis *).
*) Al. Jablonowski,
mentioning the names of the Red Rusyn origin nobility still holding their
estates at the end of 16th century, apart from aforementioned undoubtedly
Rusyn families, gives additionally following clans:
In Halicz region: the
Bednawskis, Bludnickis, Czastylowskis, Czerleniowskis, Dymideckis, Grabowskis,
Hnileckis using arms Sas Krechowskis (Sas), Kunaszowskis, Lichanskis,
Orzechowskis, Obertynskis(Sas), Powerbeckis, Poplawnickis, Szumlanskis,
Studzinskis arms Holobok, Zagwojskis, Zywaczowskis.
In Lviv area: the
Belzeckis, Borszowskis, Borosniowskis arms Sas, Czajkowskis, Ciemierzynskis
arms Sas, Hermanowskis, Jastrzebskis, Narajowskis, Pieczychojskis, Polatyckis,
Rozniatowskis arms Sas, Streptowskis, Swaryczowskis arms Sas. In Przemysl
lands: the Boryslawskis, Baranieckis arms Sas, Bystryowskis, Blazowskis arms
Sas, Chlopczyckis, Chlopickis, Czyzowkis, Dabkowskis, Debowskis, Dubowlanskis,
Jasienskis arms Sas, Klodnickis arms Sas, Korczynskis arms Sas, Kropiwnickis
arms Sas, Krukienickis arms Korczak, Kupiatyckis, Lubienieckis, Lowieckis,
Morawskis, Nowosielskis arms Sas, Nowoszyckis, Tarnowskis, Wolosieckis arms
Sas, Zupanskis. In Sanok region: Bukowskis, Leszczynskis, Lodzinskis arms
Sas" (p. 330-333).
From among those
families, these using arms Sas, Korczak, Holobok are, as we know, undoubtedly
of Rusyn progeniture, and the others, the fact of their settling as early as
16th century would proof local progeniture, however, it is prudent to accept
Jablonowski's conclusion that "since nobles of Rusyn origin took with time
Polish arms, it is difficult to distinguish roots of these houses from houses
of Polish origin, taking names from the endowed lands, without in-depth
examination." (p. 342).
"Great number names
taken from the Red Ruthenia localities can be explained that apart from already
accounted for reasons, there was a custom that each separating branch of the
family or house or clan, used to take separate name or by-name. And there we
have the Boratynskis house arms Korczak from Przemysl region, which gave
beginnings to the houses of the Malczyckis, Dabrowskis etc. The Grochowskis
arms Junosza, also from Przemysl lands, gave beginnings to the houses of the
Hermanowskis, Komarnickis, Kijewskis." (p. 352). Editor's notes.
Mostly they were old families,
holding significant estates, which with time grew in numbers, divided into
different branches with characteristic by-names and nicknames, such as
Proskurczetas, Kalinowieta - Kniahynickis; Lechowskis, Josypowiczs,
Jakubszowiczs - Zurakowskis; Beryndas, Soloninkas, Trunkowicz - Czajkowskis;
Hryckowietas, Iskrzeta - Paclawskis etc.
(See at Jablonowski's p.
353*) and at Lozinskie's 1. c.)
*) Nicknames among the
Terleckis - wrote Al. Jablonowski - Popowietas; Sieleckis - Hryckowietas,
Dziurdzies; Blazowskis - Czechs, Sochas, Telepas, Iwankowietas; among the
Komarnickis - Jankowietas, Dudyczs; Turzanskis - Holowaczs, Lujs; Sozanskis -
Prasolas, Woronowiczs; Winnickis - Mukaszs, Oszosts; Jaworskis -
Mrzyglodowiczs; Popiels - Tarapatyczs, Petelczycs (Chwosciaks -
Lozinski, p. 291); Bratkowskis - Puhaczs; among the Kruszelnickis - Wolks,
Holowkas, Popowietas, Blyszczycs; Swaryczewskis - Czepiels; Chojenskis -
Kostrowiczs; Sosnowskis - Feciulowiczs; Czarnolozkis - Orzeszkowiczs; Piaseckis
- Skoczylass; Gruszeckis - Zakowiczs; Stawskis - Bylinas, Sowas; Komorowskis -
Malcherowiczs.
These families belonged
to two specifically Ukrainian coat of arms groups: Sas and Korczak (in
particular to the first one). Progeniture and propagation of these arms among
Ukrainian (Rusyn) nobility remains unresolved, however, from historic and
cultural point of view, very interesting story.
(See footnote 4, p.
610-12, v. VI "Historya Ukrainy-Rusi")
Military reviews prove
great number of these petty nobility families (military review was a mandatory
gathering and presentation of all nobles in the region to show military
readiness - sp) of first half of the 17th century.
(Numbers related to the
reviews per Lozinski, op. c. I p. 339-40, 342)
So, during Lviv lands
nobility review i 1621, total number of gentry was 518. Among them 43
Czajkowskis, 34 Hoszowskis and 40 Witnickis. During Przemysl lands review in
1648 among almost 1000 gentry there were 70 Jaworskis, 46 Kulczyckis, 36
Winnickis, 23 Bilinskis ). In the documents related to the reviews we can find
details on arms and armories and war readiness of the nobles, showing clearly
their "wealth" and social status. Few of them could afford a retinue
and those being able to show on the horseback and at arms were in minority. Out
of 43 Czajkowskis three came with horses, remainings presented themselves on
foot. Out of 40 Witwickis nobady was riding a horse. The Lviv lands review
shows even with greater emphasis the petty gentry poverty, due to which, most
of them could not afford not only a horse, but even any kind of armory. Noble
Hryc Wolczkowicz Jasnicki of Jasniszcze presented himself on foot, but with a
saber and a musquet. Noble Iwan Wolczkowicz Jasnicki stood also on foot, but
only with a "stick" (a primitive rifle - sp); noble Roman Hoszowski
standing as a substitute for his father Anton Hobrycz Hoszowski presented
hinself also only with a "stick"; noble Fedor Hoszowski of
Kleczkowicze was on foot with a saber and a musquet, but noble Stec
Andronikowicz Hoszowski wielded only a rapier (considered as inferior to a
saber - sp), noble Fedor Szumlanski of Bratkowicze presented himself on foot
with a "stick", noble Hryhory Rudnicki of Bratkowicze (note two
nobles were sharing an estate, possibly with others) with a saber and a musquet,
noble Iwan Zaplatynski of Ostaloicze with a saber, an axe and with a bird gun
(small caliber rifle), etc.
(Town book of Lviv, 280,
p. 2581-5)
Poverty did not allow
these people to afford even so low degree of learning and culture, which better
off Polish and polonized nobility could afford. This caused that these petty
gentry was closer to the "masses" and peasants and in the effect
caused that these people preserved their national identity as Ukrainians
(Rusyns) through out not only 17th and 18th century, but also later, till
modern times. These folks remained in 17th and 18th century, similarly as in
15th and 16th centuries faithful to their "Rusyn religion" and
national tradition and in a same way as all those Waskas, Fedkos, Hryckos
(typical Rusyn names - sp) with no less characteristic by-names like Puhaczs,
Kolodrobs, Wowkos, Holowkos, Tarapatyczs, Popowietas, etc. differ from
Przeclaws, Prandotas, Zboznys and Szczesnys, Polish nobility, gente or natione.
(See Lozinski, op. c. p.
291)
Their national identity
is alive with them and, sometimes, they show off as reprezentatives of
"all Ruthenia", Ruthenia of unclear form, indistinctive, such as it
was in the imagination of all Western frontier inhabitants, immense Ruthenia
reaching with its boundlessness, yonder, to the Eastern horizon beyond haze.
Being in majority among
all local nobility and based on the Polish Constitution recognizing all nobles
as equal, without distinguishing the wealthy from the petty, honors, education,
titles and offices and resolving all public matters by common vote of all
present, these masses of petty gentry could easily govern their lands and
counties, elect their candidates to the offices and have leading role in the
life of province. Unfortunately, they were lacking solidarity, well defined
social, political and national goals, organization, and in result, those people
were too often moved to insignificant position and subdued to their better off
and having more influence Polish "brothers".
There were however,
moments, when crystallized in some cast in concrete fact national or class
interest pushed this nobility mass towards more active and solidary action. Reasons
and conditions creating such an action are not always clear, even when the
facts are well known. Such mysterious activity was massive joining of the
Halicz region nobility the Moldavian palatine Bohdan army during his aggression
against Red Ruthenia lands in 1509.
(This Bohdan's
aggression and resulting retaliation against Moldavia Pulaski describes in his
sketch: "Zygmunt I's war with Moldavian palatine Bohdan in 1509",
Sketches, v.I)
Incidentally there we
can find that people such as Iwanko Demidecki and Ilja Szumlanski, Iwanko,
Jacko, Wasko Mieszczenskis (?), Fedko Dubrowicz, Zan Cucylowski, Sienko
Witwicki, Wasko and Marek Kniahynickis, Semen, Iwan, Senko and Sydor
Drogomireckis, Sienko Balicki, Dmytro z Danyskowicz, Hryhory, Senko, Hryncza,
Hryhor, Ficza and Iwasko Berezowskis, Iwasko Pyszyninski (?), Andrzej Lucki
joined Moldavian forces.
(Materyaly, I, 66 - some
names distorted)
The were pronounced
traitors
(Sua temeritate,
fidelitate postposita, sponte et non coacti ad eundem woywodam defecissent
eidemque se absque legittima causa subiecissent- ibid.)
and their estates were
confiscated. After Polish victory in 1509/10 winter, when Bohdan was obliged by
a treaty, to return all Ukrainians, those nobles came back excusing themselves
that they joined Moldavian forces not by good will but being threatened and
forced into it. Their excuses were accepted and consequently, their rights and
estates were returned to them. It is, however, hard to believe their excuses.
Some of the circumstances could be explained by certain relation of religious
and cultural nature between Western Ukraine and Moldavia, however, there is no
definite information on the subjest available. When we remember, though, that
less than twenty years earlier there was also unclear movement related to
certain Mucha, when the Pokucie and Red Rusyn peasantry were represented by a
notorious Moldavian agent. A year after that the Moldavian palatine supports
certain pretender (contemporary Polish chronicler named him Andrzej Borul),
which called himself a rightful heir to the Rusyn throne, grabbed by Casimir
[the Great]. The pretender, having Sultan's military help, tried to take over
the Western Ukraine, but he was incidentally apprehended by the Michal
Buczacki's servants.
(Monum.
pol. hist. III, p. 239-40)
Twenty years after 1509
episode, during another Moldavian raid against Western Ukraine, the Rusyns
again, almost unanimously subjected themselves to the palatine, which accepts
their act gratefully, having killed the roman Catholics in meantime.
(Ad quem Rutheni illic paene omnes advolant et se illi
gestibundi subjiciunt, quos ille benigne suspicit et tractat, eos vero, qui
Romani ritus sunt occidi jubet. Acta Tomicina, XII, 393, list w grudniu 1530 r. )
Worth remembering is a
king's act of 1511 requiring that the Red Ruthenia lords shall not attend the
religious observances in Moldavia, since they - suscipiendorum ordinum, ut ipsi
putant sacrorum, causa solent se conferre in Valachiam et alias exteras partes
et plerumque de rebus et statu regni apud hostes disserere positionemque regni
prodere (Corpus iuris polon. III, 71)
Of course, we have here
in all those incidents of the end of 15th and first half of the 16th centuries,
certain evidence of a Ukrainian - Moldavian irredentism, so unclear due to the
lack of information sources.
Clearer, though, are
some acts of the Ruthenian nobles in 17th century. In the Western Red Ruthenia
for example, it was a fight going for almost half of a century after
Kopystynski's death (1610), for the church of Przemysl lordship, between
Orthodox and Greek church members.
(See Dobranski's
"Istorja episkopow eparchii peremyszlskoj", Lozinski "Prawem i
Lewem" I, p. 294 et subs.), Golubiew "Piotr Mohyla", v. II, p.
135 et subs.)
The defense of the
Eastern rite against Greek church was in that time considered as a matter of
honor, not only in relation with religion but also with national pride. Local
nobles were interested in it very much, since majority of the Orthodox church
officers were and members of the local nobility, church lordship
including. Therefore all changes, both internal and in hierarchy of the eparchy
were not neutral for those nobles. When after Kopystynski's death, also a local
noble, who was firmly with Eastern rite, the king promoted to the eparchy a
Greek church member and his protégée, Atanazy Krupecki, both clergy and
nobility submitted a very strong protest and started annoy if not bully the
eparch. The king Zygmunt took Krupecki unter his personal protection and
ordered that a great deal of money, as much as 50,000 dukats (gold coins - sp)
was deposited against possible harm to the eparch or other harmful action. The
names of the eparch's adversaries were mentioned in the king's order, and there
we have: Iwan and Mikolaj Chlopeckis, Marcin Rytarowski, Fedor Turianski,
Andrzej and Iwan Sozanskis, Iwan Monastyrski, Iwan, Pawel, Iwan, Mikolaj, Lukasz,
Adam, Wasyl, Samuel and Michal Kopystianscy, Wasyl Terlecki, Fedor Winnicki,
Stefan and Bohdan Radylowskis, Marcin-Aleksander Farafunta Blazowski, Iwan,
Fedor, Hryhory, Pawel and Hrycko Popiels, Martyn Jasieniecki,
Hrycko Koblanski, Aleksander Uhernicki, Iwan and Wasyl Buntowieckis (!) (this
surname could be translated as Rebel - sp) Fedor and Iwanko Kulczyckis, Piotr
Rohozinski, Piotr and Aleksander Holatyckis, Iwan Czajkowski, Hrycko Janocki,
Iwan Tustanowski, Fedor Koblanski, Bosko Chmytkowski, Fedor Kuniczkowski,
Dmytro and Piotr Hordynskis, Iwan Ilnicki, Dmytro Sydorski, Dmytro Burda, Fedor
Tatomir.
(The Przemysl Archives,
327, p. 18-19) (In later fight between Krupecki and Hulewicz, particular role
played the Hulewicz's brothers Aleksander and Daniel Hulewiczs, the
Czernichow sandardbearer Andrzej Kossakowski, Andrzej Zahorowski, Semen Myszka
Choloniewski, Teodor Winnicki and Piotr Szeptycki. - Editor)
Among Orthodox
contra-candidates, the nobles supported the eparch Hulewicz, an energetic man
who was able to organize the nobles and take the eparchy estates and offices
from Krupecki by force. The nobles, due to their persistence, obtained an
amnesty act for Hulewicz, together with a lifetime lordship. After Hulewicz's
death, the same nobles brought in by force the dead eparch Orthodox successor
Winnicki, who successfully ousted Krupecki from the eparchy. Later, the nobles
gave strong support to Winnicki in his fight with another kings protégée,
Polish national and Greek church member Chmielowski, which caused that
Chmielowski was not even able to take over the eparchy, but even live in there.
Restlessly, the nobles initiated the local political assemblies acts in defense
of Winnicki, instructed their representatives accordingly to act on Winnicki's behalf
both in Parliament and before the king, which resulted in Winnicki's
confirmation as the eparch.
Not so unified and
unanimous, however, very distinguished, was joining of the Red Ruthenia
nobility, forces of Bohdan Chmielnicki's popular uprising. Variety of stances
was caused by certain economic factors, as well as class interest. Main area of
this movement was Halicz region (the movement was relatively weakly developed
in Western Red Ruthenia), the local nobles particularly supported though the
irredentism organized in Pokucie by Semen Wysoczan (perhaps one of
Wysoczanskis). The nobles were there the chieftains, "colonels"
leaders of the peasants and burghers which were a core of the Wysoczan's
forces.
(see Tomaszewski's
"Narodni ruchy w Halyckij Rusy 1648 r. " (in Zapyski nauk. tow. im. Szewczenki, v. XXIV et sep.), p. 39 et subs., comp. p.
121-3)
In this and in the other
uprising details we can see a number of the Hrabowieckis, Holynskis,
Berezowskis, Skolskis, Kniahinickis, Zurakowskis, Tatomirs, Drohomiereckis,
Jazwinskis, Strutynskis, Medynskis, Hoszowskis, Popiels. The Poles in
general, charged the Ukrainian nobility for supporting the uprising and ousting
Poles from the lands, etc.
(Zerela IV, 42, 74, 83,
97, 152. V, 42, 63, 75. see Tomaszewskis op. c. p.41)
Alas, lack of
enunciation on the part of the uprising participants offers little possibility
of recognizing the nobles' motives and nobility's understanding of the uprising
origins and reasons.
Omitting such
extraordinary episodes, even regular day-to-day life proves important meaning
of the petty nobles in preserving of the Ukrainian element and national
tradition. They were rather poor people, not well educated, without influence,
however, still their material and social position was much higher than the
deprived of any rights feudal peasantry. In spite of the poverty, there were
numerous examples of ut in substantia sic in moribus et claritate
talented people growing above the level of fall of the Ukrainian element caused
by Polish reign. Truly though, those growing became quickly enough in its
majority strangers to their own nation and accepting outward cultural forms,
assimilated with "cultural" Polish environment. Nevertheless,
presence in the Ukrainian file of this a little more wealthy and mainly
haughtier element, gave this file some moral power and in many instances it was
a help to the contemporary national activist in their works. Reading
aforementioned registers of the Red Ruthenia nobility families, the reader
could remember the Balabans i Kopystynskis, Zeliborskis and Winnickis,
Pletenieckis and Kalnofojsks, Radylowsks and Zurakowskis, which wrote their
names into the Ukrainian history as remarkable activists of religious,
educational and cultural life of their motherland. These petty nobles gave
their members to clergy; better half of those families became with time clans,
let's say dynasties of the high clergy. And great number of those names was
written on the chart of the first hundred-year history of the contemporary
Ukrainian Galicia national re-birth. (...) s. 15
(j.p)
CHRISTIANITY:
THE FOUNDATION
OF EUROPEAN CIVILISATION
To
the National Convention of University Rectors and Faculty Members
Lvov, 12 May 2000
Paul Card. POUPARD
President of the Pontifical Council of Culture
Coming to Lvov in the Ukraine for the first time in recent years is coming to a
city that has a history of its own. Dmytro Stepovyk recalled it in his address
during the first Presynodal Symposium, Christianity and Culture in Europe. Memory,
Awareness and Project held at the Vatican from 28 to 31 October, 1991. In
the Ukrainians the civilisation of the second millennium of the Christian era
has found one of the most religious peoples of Europe. Divided for more than
seven centuries between the Kingdom of Poland, the Grand Dukedom of Lithuania,
the Dukedom and the Princedom of Moscow, which became the Empire of Russia,
Hungary and Austria, you Ukrainians have preserved in the unity of language and
culture, ethnic identity, and the culture of Christian rites rooted in
Byzantium. With you, I give thanks to the Lord for this miracle due without
doubt mainly to the millennial dedication to Christ and to the profound
spiritual substratum of popular and artistic Ukrainian culture. In the Ukraine
the Church has acquired the status of a State institution. The Christian temple
becomes the inspiring Muse of architecture and painting, of book miniatures and
engravings, of choral music and educational drama, of popular theatre, of the
popular art of frills in the decoration of Easter eggs and the carvings that
render homage to Jesus Christ, to the Mother of God, to the Saints and to the
cult of the Church in the native Ukrainian language.(1) Today Lvov,
a major publishing and cultural centre, especially of Ukrainian culture, has
developed considerably in the field of industry and is one of the populous
cities of the independent Ukraine State. From this brief historical sketch, one
can trace the road along which this nation has journeyed to arrive at its
present status. But one remarkable and outstanding fact cannot be denied with
regard to Lvov: the prominent and supportive role played by the Church, of
which we can be legitimately proud, throughout the different and challenging
phases of its growth, not only in conserving but also in promoting its cultural
history and heritage. The Union of Brzesc in 1596 joined the Catholic Church
and is presently known as the Greek Catholic Church.
As Rector
emeritus of the Institut Catholique of Paris and President of the
Pontifical Council for Culture, I feel honoured and privileged to address this
august assembly of University Rectors and Faculty Members participating in this
National Convention which has for its theme: Christianity: The Foundation of
European Civilisation. My presentation this morning will pave the way for
others to follow in the course of the day on the theme: Religion: The
Foundation of Social Life in the Ukraine, a theme that puts in proper
perspective your deliberations, for a religionless society easily tends to
become a godless society, and a society that is godless lacks a foundation and
is necessarily doomed to disaster for it collapses from within.
1. What is Europe?
If we are
to acknowledge and appreciate the contribution of Christianity to European
civilisation we need but look at what Europe is today. The roots of the present
lie buried in the past. A continent that forgets its roots cuts itself from its
past, is unable to understand its present and is ill equipped to face its
future. Europe cannot forget its roots, the history and heredity of its
ancestors, the legacy it has received particularly from the great heralds of
the Gospel, the brothers, Saints Cyril and Methodius, co-patrons of Europe. "The
Brothers from Salonika were not only heirs of the faith but also heirs of the
culture of Ancient Greece, continued by Byzantium. Everyone knows how important
this heritage is for the whole of European culture and, directly or indirectly,
for the culture of the entire world." Saints Cyril and Methodius were not
only pioneers in the faith, in as much as they brought the Gospel to peoples
who had yet not heard of Jesus, but also pioneers in the formation and
development of cultures. "All the cultures of the Slav nations owe their
beginning or development to the work of the Brothers from Salonika. For by
their original and ingenious creation of an alphabet for the Slavonic language
the Brothers made a fundamental contribution to the culture and literature of
all the Slav nations."(2) Indeed they
are pioneers of what is today termed "inculturation", which in simple
terms is but the cultural expression of our faith and the faith expression of
our culture.
There is
much talk today on the continent of a common market and currency. Frontiers of
travel are being crossed, political differences are being ironed out, common
educational and economic interests are being pursued and with the advance of
instant communication technology, Europe like the world is shrinking into a
"village". But the eurodollar alone cannot bond Europe. Important as
this economic dimension is, a common Europe cannot be forged only at the level
of trade and commerce or purely secular interests. Europe needs to dig into and
explore its Christian and cultural roots, those roots that nourished its
civilisation, those roots that have borne fruit in a vast variety of cultures,
those roots the benefits of which we are enjoying today. What we have received
is not meant to be pocketed and buried but rather cradled for further growth. The
legacy handed down to us is to take up the challenge of building a new Europe,
endowing it not merely with a geographical unity but enriching it with an ideal
and a spirit, animating it with a soul because a true community cannot exist
without cultural and spiritual values through which mans dignity is recognised
and respected.
In the
Preface to Christ, The Source of a New Culture for Europe On the Threshold
of a New Millennium, containing the proceedings of the pre-Synodal
Symposium held last October at the Vatican, referring to the variety of participants
who assembled during those days and shared their insights, I remarked:
"This group really did seem representative of the whole continent, and it
brought many perspectives into focus in an atmosphere of open discussion and an
evident desire to make Europe work or, in other words, to give her back her
soul."(3) Innocuous
though it might seem, so as to be almost overlooked, that sentence is pregnant
with meaning and loaded with a serious challenge. It makes us pause and ponder.
If Europe, as I noted, has to be given back her soul, one might well ask: Has
she lost it? Or, has she to be awakened? Is there need for a renaissance as we
have crossed the threshold of and entered the new millennium? To my mind that
remark draws our attention to the goal of Christianity, namely, to animate
Europe with the vitality and vigour of the life and values of Christ. If this
is required of every baptised Christian how much more necessary and urgent it
is for those involved in the education and formation of students at these
universities, which are seats of wisdom and learning wherein the minds, hearts
and lives of future citizens are being shaped and moulded.
The task
that faces Europe today is to assume the great values of Christian culture with
the goal of transmitting them in the context of our times. Walls may crumble,
regimes may collapse, and ideologies fall apart. But these in themselves will
not bring about the type of unity that we desire. The unity that we seek avoids
both extremes: that of a Europessimism that sees doom and disaster everywhere
and is devoid of Christian hope as well as that of a Euro-optimism that is
based on the shifting sands of passing fads and fancies that lack a firm and
solid foundation.
What a
glorious continent Europe is! Its geography crosses all borders and its unity
lies in its multiplicity, a kaleidoscope of different cultures. It is a
continent of the future that has inherited from the past, the cradle of
Christianity, the melting pot of democracy, the motherland of philosophy and
the matrix of sciences. That is the Europe of which we must feel proud, that is
the Europe that we are called upon to consolidate and build, that is the Europe
to which John Paul II made a passionate appeal which I want to echo and
emphasise: "I, John Paul [...] successor to Peter in the See of Rome, the
See that Christ chose to place in Europe whom he loves for the efforts she has
made to diffuse Christianity throughout the world [...] I cry to you, old
Europe, a cry full of love: Find yourself again. Be yourself. Discover
your origins. Refresh your roots. Relive the authentic values that have made
your history glorious [...] Rebuild your spiritual unity [...] Do not boast of
your conquests to the point of forgetting their possible consequences. Do not
be downcast at the quantitative loss of your greatness in the world, or at the
social and cultural crises that afflict you today. You can still be a beacon of
civilisation and a surge of progress in the world. The other continents are
watching you and also waiting for you to give the response that St. James gave
to Christ: I can." (St. James of Compostella, 9 November, 1982).
2. Inculturation of the Gospel in a secular ethos
The
challenge that faces Christianity today is to inculturate European civilisation
with the Gospel of Jesus Christ. In season and out of season, welcome or
unwelcome, Christ and His Gospel must be proclaimed from the housetops. Our
housetops today are covered with television antennae that keep on beaming a
contrary message. The relentless onslaught of the mass media has no barrier or
barricades. It enters into the very privacy of the home and the family. We are
stormed and inundated by the media; even more, our children, whose innocent
impressionable minds and hearts lack adult discernment, are exposed to and
endangered by an ethos that is secular. The challenge to Christianity today is
not so much antagonism or open hostility to the Gospel and its perennial
values, but a subtle indifferentism that ignores the saving message that it
offers.
The
mission of the Christian in a Europe that is clearly pluralistic is to
courageously take on anew with fresh vigour the goals outlined over three
decades ago by the Second Vatican Council of acting as a leaven in social and
political life as bearers of joy and hope and animating Europe from within, by
being to this continent which is our heritage what the soul is to the body. I
wish to recall here what was said of the early Christians: "Though they
are residents at home in their own countries, their behaviour there is more
like transients [...] For them, any foreign country is a motherland, and any
motherland is a foreign country [...] To put it briefly, the relation of
Christians to the world is that of a soul to the body."(4)
The
Christian is called to be the leaven in the dough, the salt of the earth that
preserves, the light of the world that drives away the darkness of despair. The
tragedy of modern man is that he has entombed himself, walled himself up. If
this "entombing" of man was a kind of self-enclosure it would be bad
enough. But what is worse is that man has walled himself up and entombed
himself outside himself, losing his own identity and personal worth and dignity.
The tragedy of modern man is that he is obsessed with having more than with
being. He fails to understand that being is more important than having or
doing. Modern man hungers today to have and in the process forgets who he is,
or worse still, that he is still alive. In his search for happiness, modern man
craves to own and possess and forgets the fundamental truth that happiness lies
not in having what you want, but in wanting what you have, and that happiness
is the art of making bouquets with the roses within ones reach. All education
is the discovery of this art, a discovery of heredity, of a past, of ones
roots. All education is an exploration of heredity that results in
self-enrichment. It is precisely from the discovery of this heredity that love
is born. A horizontalism that is devoid of the vertical dimension, whereby man
can be himself and in the depths of his being relate to God, to others and to
the world, can only cause man to sink. Indeed, culture is what guides and leads
man and saves him from being lost. I have a dream, as I address this
illustrious gathering of educators at this high level of learning, wherein men
and women will be inspired to assume the challenge of this discovery and
exploration of heritage. I have a dream when Europe will shed its blinkers and
open its horizons to a vision that is fully human and Christian. I have a dream
wherein the many university institutions of this historic city of Lvov will
network to create structures that will not only promote and preserve the
cultural heredity of Europe, but will also propagate and proclaim the Good News
of Jesus Christ who came not to abolish but to fulfil, a Jesus Christ who is
not against cultures but touches and transforms them reforming, renewing and
revitalising them from within. I have a dream wherein the Gospel will become
Good News not only for Europe but for all cultures. Europe needs to be renewed
by the Gospel. Europe needs to be renewed by being rooted in Christ for
"not only is all the reality that is around suffused with the acquisitions
of Christian culture and civilisation, but without those it cannot even enter
human comprehension, since all the channels of communication used by modern
man, independently of religious or cultural affiliation, have been formed
within Christianity. All the languages and subtexts of international,
intercultural and interreligious communication have been formed under the
influence of Christian values."(5)
3. The rediscovery of the Christian meaning of man as Gods image
Europe
indeed has some golden and glorious chapters in her history. But there are also
besides some dark pages and some obscure footnotes that mar its history. Together
with a Europe of civilisation and culture, of her great philosophical and
theological minds, of the men and women who have contributed to the treasury of
her artistic and religious heritage that make her stand out among the other
continents on the face of the earth, there is also the Europe of tragedies, of
blood baths, of tears and groans, of mourning and weeping, of peoples and races
oppressed and obliterated, of wars and violence, of the trampling upon of human
rights, of mans cruelty to man. Like the field in the Gospel parable of the
sower, Europe is a mix of good and evil. Together with the good seed, there are
tares sown by the evil one that tend to suffocate, strangle and suppress the
growth of what is good. We need to preserve Europe from future man-made
catastrophes of this sort.
The image
of man, the centre piece of creation, fashioned in Gods likeness and endowed
with intellect and free will, is at the root of civilised Europe. What is
called for is a true Christian Humanism where mans basic dignity will be
recognised, respected and revered. That is a truth that the Church has
consistently preached and tried to practise.
In his
very first Encyclical Letter Redemptor Hominis in a celebrated text Pope
John Paul II speaks of how for the Church all ways lead to man. "The
Church cannot abandon man, for his destiny that is to say his election,
calling, birth and death, salvation or perdition, is so closely and unbreakably
linked with Christ [...] Each man in all the unrepeatable reality of what he is
and what he does, of his intellect and will, of his conscience and heart. Man
who in his reality has, because he is a person, a history of his life that is
his own and, most important, a history of his soul that is his own [...] this
man is the primary route that the Church must travel in fulfilling her mission:
he is the primary and fundamental way for the Church, the way traced out
by Christ himself."(6)
We have a
task to perform, a duty to fulfil and a mission to accomplish. We need to
collaborate and co-ordinate with all men of good will to build a new Europe, a
Europe that takes cognizance of its past, lives fully the present and looks to
the future with hope. We are not alone in accomplishing this mission. In fact,
the mission is His, for Jesus Christ sends us out in His name. We need not fear
for He is with us as He promised to be even to the end of time. And He is
faithful.
I would
like to conclude by citing the Opening Remarks I made at the Pre-Synodal
Symposium held at the Vatican last October on Christ: The Source of a New
Culture for Europe on the Threshold of a New Millennium wherein I stated:
"Nonetheless, those who wish to construct a new Europe remain attentive to
the signs of the times, and the dawn of the new millennium is indisputably one
of the most notable signs that God, the Lord of History, gives us at the close
of a tragic century. Two millennia ago, God became man in the womb of the
Virgin Mary so that man by Him could become God as the Fathers of the Church
from East to West have never tired of repeating. And by a mysterious plan of
Providence, faith in Christ from out of the East made the West this Europe
which is ours, to the point that at St. James of Compostella on 9 November,
1982, John Paul II could say: «European identity is incomprehensible without
Christianity. For it is in Christianity that European identity finds its common
roots, roots that have nourished the civilisation of the old continent, its
culture, its dynamism, its entrepreneurial genius, its capacity for constructive
expansion to other continents too»."(7)
To build
a new Europe, taking stock of its past, of the rootedness of its culture and
civilisation in Christianity and drawing on this heritage to construct the
Europe of the future, meeting the challenges of a secular ethos with Christian
hope that comes from the assurance of the presence of Christ in our midst, that
in brief is the mission to which we are committed as persons involved in
University education.
At the
dawn of the third millennium, Europe finds itself before seven great
challenges: the democratic challenge, the economic challenge, the intellectual
challenge, the challenge of nationalism, the challenge of solidarity, the
cultural challenge and the spiritual challenge. These are enormous challenges
for the very identity of Europe. There is no Europe that is not European in its
heredity brought together by the West and the East. Only the fruitful putting
together of this fundamental unity will give Europe its fullness. Here emerges
the fundamental problem of the formation of the human person. In fact, from
ancient Greco-Latin times till our own days, Europe presents itself as a
continent of the human person. The culture that moulds Europe is marked by the
Christian vision of man, created in the image and likeness of God. This culture
which forges Europe has always stretched towards "a beyond" of its
present experience, which thus becomes the principle of new scientific and
technical progress, the elevation of the tenor of life and the betterment of
health, the development of the means of communication, the deepening of the
philosophical and religious reflection, the elaboration of a juridical system
that has been tried and tested and the immense effort to safeguard and transmit
the millennial cultural patrimony.
Hence,
great indeed is the task of the University to transmit the fundamental values
that have formed the Continent, particularly its conception of the human
person, his dignity, his rights and his responsibilities. To attain this goal,
education, the true challenge for the University, must be renewed in its
methods, developing together the general culture with the scientific and
technical knowledge, the faculties of the imagination and assimilation, the
criteria of judgement and responsibility before the unity of Europe at the dawn
of the third Millennium: political unity, cultural unity, religious unity, Christian
unity, Catholic unity. "Europe is Christian in its very roots. The two
forms of the great tradition of the Church, that of the West and the East, and
the two forms of culture reciprocally integrate themselves like the two lungs
of the same organism."(8)
Way back
in 1948 the American poet Thomas Stearns Eliot wrote: "It is the common
Christian tradition that has made Europe what it is. It is in the bosom of
Christianity that our art has developed. Against the Christian background our
thought acquires its meaning. If Christianity goes, with it goes also all our
culture. For centuries this culture is the true bond between us, and no
political or economic organisation can substitute this cultural unity."(9)
Your
Excellency, illustrious Rectors and Professors, and my dear Students, this is
our European memory. This is the knowledge of the strictest link between faith
and culture in the human person. In fact, there is no faith outside the realm
of culture, just as there does not exist a fully human culture that is not open
to the dimension of faith. And this is our project at the dawn of the third
millennium: to make of our culture a universal mirror of the beauty, the truth
and the goodness of God, the Creator and Lord of the Universe and of man
created in his image and likeness.(10)
-
- -
[Franēais]
Dans son discours aux Recteurs duniversité et aux membres des diverses
facultés dUkraine, le Cardinal Paul Poupard a souligné la contribution
du christianisme ą lidentité de lEurope. En partant de la demande
" Quest-ce que lEurope ? ", il a encouragé
ses auditeurs ą redécouvrir leurs origines et leurs racines, et les a invités ą
sengager dans linculturation de lÉvangile dans la société actuelle. Ce nest
quen redécouvrant lhomme, créé ą limage de Dieu, que peut źtre édifiée une
culture qui reflčte Dieu dans le monde.
[Espańol]
En su discurso a los rectores universitarios y miembros de diversas facultades
de Ucrania, el Cardenal Poupard presenta la aportación del cristianismo
a la identidad de Europa. Partiendo de la pregunta æqué es Europa? invita a los
presentes a redescubrir sus orķgenes y raķces y las anima a comprometerse en la
inculturación del Evangelio en la sociedad actual. Solo redescubriendo al
hombre, creado a imagen y semejanza de Dios, podrį crearse una cultura que
refleje a Dios en el mundo.
[Italiano]
Nel Suo discorso, indirizzato ai Rettori delle Universitą e ai membri delle
diverse facoltą dUcraina, il Cardinale Paul Poupard presenta il
contributo del cristianesimo allidentitą dEuropa. Partendo dalla domanda
"cosč lEuropa?", ha incoraggiato a riscoprirne le origini e le
radici e ha chiamato i presenti ad impegnarsi nellinculturazione del Vangelo
nella societą odierna. Soltanto riscoprendo luomo, creato a immagine di Dio,
si puņ creare una cultura che rispecchi Dio nel mondo.
*
* *
LES
CULTURES, LES ARTS ET LEGLISE
Abbé
Robert POUSSEUR
Secrétaire de Arts-Cultures-Foi, France
(texte abrégé)
Le document du Conseil Pontifical de la
Culture Pour une pastorale de la culture définit ainsi la culture :
" cette faēon particuličre dont les hommes et les peuples cultivent
leur relation avec la nature et leurs frčres, avec eux-mźmes et avec Dieu afin
de parvenir ą une existence pleinement humaine (Gaudium et spes n° 53).
Il nest de culture que de lhomme, par lhomme et pour lhomme. Cest toute
lactivité de lhomme, son intelligence, et son affectivité, sa quźte de sens,
ses coutumes et ses repčres éthiques. La culture est si naturelle ą lhomme que
sa nature na de visage quaccomplie dans sa culture. Lenjeu dune pastorale
de la culture est de le restituer dans sa plénitude de créature "ą limage
et la ressemblance de Dieu" (Gn 1,26) en larrachant ą la tentation
anthropocentrique de se considérer indépendant du Créateur " (n° 2).
Cette définition rejoint ce que Jean-Paul II
avait proclamé lors de son discours ą lUnesco, le 2 juin 1980 :
" La culture est ce par quoi lhomme en tant quhomme devient
davantage homme, "est" davantage, accčde davantage ą
lźtre " (n° 7).
Pour que la gloire de Dieu éclate, pour que
lÉglise marche sur les mźmes routes que les hommes, le concile Vatican II dit
combien il est important pour lÉglise dźtre trčs présente ą la vie littéraire
et artistique contemporaine. " Ą leur maničre aussi, la littérature
et les arts ont une grande importance pour lÉglise. Ils sefforcent en effet
dexprimer la nature propre de lhomme, ses problčmes, ses tentatives pour se
connaītre et se perfectionner lui-mźme ainsi que le monde
Il faut donc faire
en sorte que ceux qui sadonnent ą ces arts se sentent compris par lÉglise au
sein mźme de leurs activités
Que les nouvelles formes dart qui conviennent ą
nos contemporains, selon le génie des diverses nations et régions, soient aussi
reconnues par lÉglise
Ainsi la gloire de Dieu éclate davantage ; la
prédication de lÉvangile devient plus transparente ą lintelligence des hommes
et apparaīt comme connaturelle ą leurs conditions dexistence. Que les croyants
vivent donc en trčs étroite union avec les autres hommes de leur temps et
quils sefforcent de comprendre ą fond leurs faēons de penser et de sentir, telles
quelles sexpriment par la culture. " (Gaudium et spes, 62-6).
En scrutant le bouillonnement culturel et
artistique, en interrogeant les rapports de la foi et de lÉglise avec la
culture, une double question se pose : est-il important que de nouvelles initiatives
pastorales soient prises dans ces domaines, quelles initiatives devraient źtre
prises ?
I. La Culture et la Foi
Toute foi ne sexprime que dans un langage
humain. Elle a besoin de la culture dun peuple pour pouvoir sexprimer, car
toute culture porte en elle une part de vérité. " Lhomme vit dune
vie vraiment humaine grāce ą la culture " (Jean-Paul II ą lUnesco,
n° 6). La foi peut donner une dimension insoupēonnée ą cette culture.
A. Tout homme est cultivé
Jean-Paul II nous demande de porter un
regard de foi, davoir un regard respectueux et lucide sur la recherche
culturelle et la création artistique. " Chacun dentre nous garde en
lui la hantise de quelques questions essentielles et en mźme temps garde dans
son esprit au moins lébauche de leurs réponses " (41).
B. Tout homme dans son langage et dans sa culture porte en lui une part de vérité
" Toute vérité dite par qui que ce
soit vient de lEsprit Saint ", rappelle Jean-Paul II en citant saint
Thomas, Jean-Paul II attire aussi notre attention sur un point difficile ą
accepter par ceux qui baignent dans une tradition catholique: ne pas savoir
apprécier une autre faēon de croire que la leur. " Dčs la naissance,
lhomme se trouve intégré dans différentes traditions, dont il reēoit, non
seulement, le langage et sa formation culturelle, mais aussi de multiples
vérités auxquelles il croit presque instinctivement. Lhomme, źtre qui cherche
la vérité, est donc aussi celui qui vit de croyance " (31-32). Ces
paroles sont une invitation ą avoir un regard profondément respectueux sur
lautre : celui vers qui je tourne mon regard peut me partager sa lumičre.
1. La culture peut rassembler les hommes
Lors du colloque sur les centres culturels ą
Bologne, colloque organisé par le Conseil Pontifical de la Culture, les
responsables des centres du Maroc, dAlgérie, dÉgypte
ont souligné combien la
Culture pouvait donner loccasion ą des hommes et des femmes de tout bord de se
rencontrer, déchanger, de faire des recherches ensemble sur des problčmes
culturels alors que des fossés sociologiques et religieux les séparaient.
Noėl 98 : lors dune émeute de jeunes ą
Toulouse en décembre 98, la municipalité demande ą deux Imams daller parler aux
jeunes qui sont révoltés par la mort de leur camarade, tué par un policier
témoin du vol dune BMW par ce jeune. Les Imams sadressent ą ces jeunes en
arabe, les jeunes leur tournent le dos en leur disant: " Nous voulons
źtre franēais et źtre respectés comme tout le monde. Nous voulons faire la fźte
ą Noėl comme tout le monde. "
2. La culture peut aveugler
" Le créationisme est lexpression
dun littéralisme aveuglant. Les créationistes ne veulent pas comprendre que la
foi se développe ą lintérieur dune culture. Elle sest exprimée initialement
dans une culture "fixiste" (la création sest faite dans une durée
limitée et na plus ą bouger). La compréhension que nous avons aujourdhui du
monde ne permet plus de dire que la foi au créateur passe par une lecture
littérale de la Genčse ". (interview du P. Valadier ą propos de
linterdiction denseigner lévolutionnisme dans certains États américains, La
Croix, ler septembre 1999).
3. La culture peut devenir un élément de
résistance
Combien de régimes totalitaires ont voulu
imposer un art, une culture en voulant étouffer toute création originale, signe
que lart et la culture ne peuvent se développer que dans la liberté. En
Tchécoslovaquie, le théātre a été le seul moyen de contestation du régime.
4. La foi peut donner une nouvelle
dimension ą la culture dun peuple
Mgr Lustiger, dans son dernier livre Pour
lEurope (PUF, 1999), souligne limportance de comparer les cultures
européennes aux cultures de lExtrźme-Orient : cette comparaison permet de
mesurer limpact de la Révélation sur la culture du continent européen (p. 3s).
Plus loin, lauteur souligne que " la présence des musulmans provoque
ą vivre une autre altérité: ą cause de lIncarnation du Fils, nous navons pas
le mźme sens de la dignité humaine " (p. 35-52).
Au colloque sur Foi et raison ą
lUnesco, sous légide du Conseil pontifical de la culture, le 16 septembre
1999, un des intervenants, professeur au Collčge de France, a insisté sur le
rōle de la foi chrétienne dans lévolution du monde : " Le
christianisme avec sa capacité démerveillement, la recherche intellectuelle
dans les universités étudiant dans la mźme langue, facilitant ainsi les
échanges, ont permis la naissance, durant le Moyen Āge, du monde moderne. Ą la
mźme époque, la Chine était aussi avancée dans les découvertes et les
recherches que lEurope mais les démarches religieuses étaient
différentes : limpact de la religion chinoise sur la culture a fait que
la Chine sest arrźtée en chemin. "
On peut souligner combien il est important
pour lÉglise dźtre attentive ą la dimension culturelle de la vie et de la foi
car :
- Tout problčme religieux a une dimension culturelle : on ne
peut résoudre une question religieuse que si on clarifie sa dimension
culturelle.
- Tout acte pastoral est porteur dune culture.
Ces deux aspects ont été mis en relief au
concile Vatican II, notamment dans Gaudium et spes.
II. La Culture et lÉglise
Jean-Paul II rappelle que, pour lÉglise, il
ny a pas une culture exemplaire, que toute culture risque de senfermer sur
elle-mźme, de ne pas źtre apte ą recevoir un apport extérieur. Mais,
" lorsquelles sont profondément enracinées dans lhumain, les
cultures portent en elles le témoignage de louverture de lhomme ą luniversel
et ą la transcendance " (70).
A. " Pour une pastorale de la culture "
Le 23 mai 1999, le Conseil pontifical de la
culture a envoyé ą toutes les Églises locales un texte intitulé :
" Pour une pastorale de la culture ". Pour ce Conseil, la
pastorale de la culture doit faire signe que lÉglise veut vivre en communion
respectueuse avec la recherche, la création des hommes, mais aussi quelle doit
provoquer une rupture culturelle.
1. Une pastorale de la culture est signe
de communion
- quand elle rejoint ce qui est au cur de la vie des hommes :
" La foi en Jésus-Christ met au cur de la vie la personne et
lamour. Le Christ est la source de cette civilisation de lamour dont les
hommes portent de la nostalgie " ;
- quand elle emprunte des éléments culturels, signe de respect pour
les chemins divers quempruntent les hommes pour chercher ą exprimer leur
dignité : " La construction du Royaume ne peut pas ne pas
emprunter des éléments de la culture et des cultures humaines. Il est
nécessaire dannoncer lévangile dans le langage et la culture des
hommes " (n. 4) ;
- quand elle met en lumičre ce qui reste caché :
" Lannonce de Jésus-Christ met en lumičre les semina Vérbi cachés
et parfois comme enfouis au cur des cultures " (n. 4).
2. La pastorale provoque aussi une
rupture culturelle
Le texte du Conseil pour la culture insiste
sur la rupture culturelle que provoque laccueil du Dieu unique qui vient ą la
rencontre dAbraham : " La rupture culturelle par laquelle
sinaugure la vocation dAbraham. "Pčre des croyants" traduit ce qui
advient au plus profond du cur de lhomme lorsque Dieu fait irruption dans son
existence, pour se révéler et susciter lengagement de tout son źtre. Abraham
est spirituellement et culturellement déraciné pour źtre, dans la foi, planté
par Dieu dans la Terre promise. Mieux, cette rupture souligne la fondamentale
différence de nature entre la foi et la culture. Contrairement aux idoles qui
sont le produit dune culture, le Dieu dAbraham est le Tout Autre. Cest par révélation
quil entre dans la vie dAbraham. Le temps cyclique des religions anciennes
est caduc avec Abraham et le peuple juif commence un nouveau temps qui devient
lhistoire des hommes en marche vers Dieu. Ce nest pas un peuple qui se
fabrique un dieu, cest Dieu qui donne naissance ą son peuple comme Peuple de
Dieu. La culture biblique tient, de ce fait, une place unique. Elle est la
culture du Peuple de Dieu, au cur duquel il sest incarné. La promesse faite ą
Abraham culmine dans la glorification du Christ crucifié. Le Pčre des croyants,
tendu vers laccomplissement de la Promesse, annonce le sacrifice du Fils de
Dieu sur le bois de la croix. Dans le Christ venu récapituler lensemble de la
création, lamour de Dieu appelle tous les hommes ą partager la condition de
fils. Le Dieu Tout Autre se manifeste en Jésus-Christ Tout-Nōtre. "Le
Verbe du Pčre éternel ayant pris la chair de la faiblesse humaine, sest fait
semblable aux hommes" " (Dei Verbum, n° 13).
Quelle est la cause de cette rupture ?
" Il sagit non seulement de greffer la foi sur les cultures mais
aussi de redonner vie ą un monde déchristianisé dont souvent les seules
références chrétiennes sont dordre culturel " (n. 1). Sagit-il de
rompre avec la culture actuelle ?
de créer une nouvelle culture ?
" La foi a le pouvoir de rejoindre le cur de toute culture pour le
purifier, la féconder, lenrichir et lui donner de se déployer ą la mesure sans
mesure de lamour du Christ. La réception du message du Christ suscite ainsi
une culture dont les deux constituantes fondamentales sont, ą un titre tout ą
fait nouveau, la personne et lamour " (n. 1).
De quelle nature est cette rupture? La
réponse dépend en grande partie de la maničre dont une culture particuličre met
lamour et la personne humaine en son centre. La relecture des initiatives
prises dans les diocčses donnera quelques éléments de réponse (voir n. 1).
B. Lurgence dune " inculturation "
1. Les synodes continentaux soulignent la
rupture entre Évangile et cultures qui ont chacune leurs propres richesses et
sont marquées par le péché
Les quatre synodes continentaux (Amérique,
Asie, Afrique et Océanie) soulignent que " la rupture entre Évangile
et culture est sans doute le drame de notre époque ". Cest donc ą
juste titre que les Pčres synodaux ont estimé que la " nouvelle
évangélisation requiert un effort lucide, sérieux et ordonné pour évangéliser
la culture ".
Le synode dAsie a rappelé avec force que
évangéliser la culture demande de savoir prendre du recul par rapport ą ce qui
sest vécu en Occident : " Les Églises plus récemment établies
doivent perdre leur aspect de copie conforme des Églises dans les sociétés
occidentales ".
Le continent asiatique abrite nombre de
races et de peuples formant quasiment les deux tiers de la population mondiale.
Le plus remarquable dans le contexte asiatique, cest le fait que lAsie soit
la maison commune de pratiquement toutes les grandes religions du monde telles
que lhindouisme, le bouddhisme, le judaļsme, le christianisme et lislam. Elle
est aussi le berceau dautres traditions religieuses et sociales telles que le
taoļsme, le confucianisme, le zoroastrisme, le jaļnisme, le sikhisme, le
chamanisme, etc. Les évźques décrivent les maux qui ravagent ce continent. Ils
demandent que lÉglise devienne non seulement une Église pour les pauvres mais
aussi une Église avec les pauvres. La présence du péché profondément ancré dans
le cur des peuples et les cultures exige la Rédemption, la libération et le
salut. Les évźques soulignent aussi les richesses de ce continent marqué par
une grande soif des valeurs spirituelles et religieuses, de la liberté, de la
dignité humaine et du progrčs (synode dAsie).
2. La réponse pastorale ą cette
situation : 1" inculturation "
" Le don de son Esprit et de son
amour sadresse ą tous et chacun des peuples et des cultures pour les unir
entre eux, ą lexemple de lunité parfaite qui existe en Dieu un et trine. Pour
que ce soit possible, il est nécessaire dinculturer la prédication de maničre
que lÉvangile soit annoncé dans le langage et la culture de ceux qui
lentendent " (Synode dAfrique).
a Une définition de linculturation. " Linculturation est le processus par
lequel la foi sincarne dans les cultures locales en assumant, en purifiant en
anoblissant les éléments de la philosophie, de lart et de la spiritualité des
peuples dans la mesure oł ils sont compatibles avec les valeurs de lévangile.
Linculturation sapplique ą la théologie, la liturgie, lart sacré, la
spiritualité et ą lorganisation sociale des églises. Elles ont besoin
détudier et de connaītre les cultures asiatiques " (Synode dAsie).
De cette maničre, linculturation devient un moyen dévangélisation, de
développement et denrichissement mutuel des Églises en Asie, Afrique, Océanie,
des Amériques et de lÉglise universelle.
Ą propos de linculturation : ce
concept a été forgé par analogie avec lincarnation. Cette notion a sans doute
permis de se dire que les cultures méritaient considération, que la
transmission de la révélation chrétienne ne se confond pas avec la transmission
des valeurs occidentales. Mais peut-on parler dinculturation de lÉvangile?
Cela supposerait, en caricaturant un peu, que lÉvangile puisse źtre sorti de
sa gangue occidentale pour źtre réintroduit dans une autre culture
et que sopčre
une sorte dalchimie entre lÉvangile et cette nouvelle culture. Il en va
différemment pour linculturation que pour lincarnation du Logos. On ne peut
détacher lÉvangile des cultures dans laquelle il a pris forme et donc ce sera
toujours dans un rapport de culture ą culture que quelque chose de lÉvangile
se véhiculera. Il se communique dans une communication des cultures, dans une
interculturalité, dans un dialogue culturel
, dans une interaction peu pensée
jusque-lą. En outre, lÉvangile ne pénčtre pas une culture comme si elle était
lāme dun corps. Car dans toute culture se trouve déją des semences du Verbe.
Cest pour ces raisons que certains
préfčrent parler dacculturation : " "Le contact culturel,
écrit Fortes, ne doit pas źtre regardé comme le transfert dun élément dune
culture ą lautre, mais comme un processus continu dinteractions entre groupes
de cultures différentes". Le terme dacculturation a été inventé justement
pour désigner cet ensemble dinteractions réciproques, dans leurs déroulements
et leurs effets " (Encyclopédie universelle).
b
" Linculturation " exige un dialogue respectueux et ne
permet aucune concession. Donc, il
est trčs important pour lÉglise en Asie dźtre conscient de ce contexte
socio-religieux dans lequel elle doit remplir sa mission. Le contexte culturel
et religieux de lAsie présente ą lÉglise un défi, une tāche et une
opportunité unique, ą la différence de ce quelle avait rencontré dans le
passé. Privée de précédents historiques pour la guider, elle doit entrer en
profond dialogue avec les cultures et les autres religions asiatiques en
" sinculturant " de maničre authentique en théologie, en
liturgie et en spiritualité de faēon ą vivre et annoncer le message de
Jésus-Christ en Asie. Pareil dialogue et " inculturation "
exigeront une fidélité ą notre propre foi chrétienne, le respect des croyances
religieuses dautrui, de la sincérité, du discernement, du courage, de la
prudence et de la patience de la part de tous les intéressés. " Linculturation "
de la christologie en Asie est une nécessité urgente mais elle ne peut se faire
aux dépens de lintégrité de la foi chrétienne.
c Les saints, témoins de la foi vécue
dans la culture de leur peuple.
Certains ont reproché ą Jean-Paul II de canoniser trop de saints. Mais le pape,
en tournant notre regard vers tant dhommes et de femmes différents par la
culture, ne voulait-il pas faire un signe au peuple de Dieu ? Les saints
sont la manifestation que des hommes et des femmes du cru ont vécu lÉvangile
dans leur culture. LÉglise, en les reconnaissant comme témoins de la foi, veut
enrichir lÉglise universelle de leur expérience apostolique bien diverse.
3. Instrumentum laboris pour le synode dEurope
Dans lInstrumentum laboris, lévolution
de lEurope durant ces dix derničres années est décrite dans tous les aspects
de la vie religieuse, culturelle
Ą propos de ce qui est dit de la vie
culturelle, on ne peut quźtre frappé par linsistance sur le pluralisme :
" On voit se créer, dannée en année, une situation toujours plus
pluraliste pour ce qui est des conditions ethniques, culturelles, religieuses
et sociales " (8). " LEurope apparaīt comme une réalité
profondément pluriculturelle et plurireligieuse dans laquelle croīt la présence
de lislam, outre une indifférence religieuse " (51 ). Lunité de
lEurope est menacée : " Un mur invisible fait de peur et
dagressivité, de manque de compréhension pour les hommes dorigine différente,
de couleur de peau différente, de croyances religieuses différentes "
(2). Ce pluralisme interroge la mission de lÉglise.
Le texte relčve deux obstacles ą la
" nouvelle évangélisation " :
- " Face au pluralisme de foi et de culture qui se propage
toujours plus, certains qui ont été formés dans une sorte de monoculture
chrétienne occidentale ne sont pas préparés ą lire les signes des
temps " (20). Plus loin, le texte soulignera la chance que peut
représenter la rencontre des différentes cultures : " Pour
cela, il faut unifier les aspects dispersés
"une maničre dźtre et
de penser européenne et chrétienne", est née de la rencontre entre
les Grecs, les Latins, les Barbares et les Slaves avec le Christ. Elle
constitue lun des modčles les plus significatifs dinculturation de la
foi et lune des synthčses les plus riches entre la foi et la raison,
entre ladhésion au Christ et lappartenance ą un peuple et ą une
tradition. "
- " La mission est souvent réduite ą lordinaire de la vie
et de la pratique ecclésiale, selon une pastorale de
conservation. Une lassitude ą sortir de soi... une sorte de fermeture
des Églises particuličres sur leurs nécessités " (36).
" Une Église qui ne communique pas, névangélise ni ne fait la
culture " (58).
Le texte souhaite que les Églises locales
parlent avec " un nouveau langage, plus incisif : un langage qui
naīt dune écoute silencieuse des Écritures et des personnes en se laissant
remettre en question par leurs problčmes et leurs opinions " (57).
- - -
[English]
Rev. Robert Pousseur, the secretary of the Arts-Culture-Foi working
group in France, offers a reflection on the theme "Culture, art and the
Church". The focus in the first part of his essay is on the relationship
between culture and faith. In the second it is on the links between culture and
the Church. This study brings together the Churchs "cultural
doctrine", with abundant references to texts of the Magisterium.
[Espańol]
El P. Robert Pousseur, Secretario del grupo de trabajo Arts-Culture-Foi,
de Francia, propone una reflexión sobre el tema "Culturas, arte e Iglesia".
La primera parte de su artķculo contiene una reflexión acerca de la relación
entre la cultura y la fe. En la segunda, se profundiza en los lazos entre la
Iglesia y la cultura, con numerosas referencias al Magisterio.
[Italiano]
Don Robert Pousseur, Segretario del gruppo di lavoro francese Arts-Culture-Foi,
propone una riflessione sul tema "Culture, arte e chiesa". Nella
prima parte del suo saggio riflette sul rapporto tra la cultura e la fede,
nella seconda sul legame tra la cultura e la Chiesa. Lo studio offre una buona
sintesi della "dottrina culturale" della Chiesa. Infatti, fa numerosi
riferimenti ai documenti del Magistero.
* * *
SITUACIÓN CULTURAL Y HUMANA
EN LAS UNIVERSIDADES DE EUROPA DEL ESTE
XVII Curso de Verano
"Universidad... æPara qué?", 5 de julio de 2000
Universidad de Alcalį, Alcalį de Henares.
Mons. Péter ERDŐ
Obispo auxiliar de Székesfehérvįr, Hungrķa
(extracto)
1.
Delimitación del problema
En los
śltimos decenios, por razones militares y polķticas, se mencionaba con el
nombre de Europa del Este a todo el territorio comprendido entre el telón
acero y los Urales. Pero desde la desaparición del Pacto de Varsovia y del
sistema mundial comunista se ha hecho evidente que de ninguna manera es esta un
įrea homogénea, sino que excepto algunos territorios menores de situación muy
particular desde el punto de vista cultural e histórico consta de dos grandes
regiones:
1) los
paķses de cultura occidental latina, donde la religión de la mayorķa era
católica o protestante con rito tradicionalmente latino, y que en parte ya son
miembros de la OTAN y se espera que pronto ganen también su adhesión a la Unión
Europea, y
2) los
paķses de la ex Unión Soviética, y los estados europeos sudorientales de legado
cultural bizantino.
Al primer
grupo pertenecen principalmente la Repśblica Checa, Polonia y Hungrķa, pero
podrķamos incluir también a Eslovenia, Eslovaquia, Croacia, ademįs de los
paķses bįlticos. Los paķses que se extienden hacia el Este, y hacia el Sudeste,
pertenecen a la otra región, aunque en la vida cultural de Rumanķa, incluso
Ucrania o Bosnia, también estį presente la huella del legado occidental y éste
no siempre se relaciona exclusivamente con las minorķas polaca, hśngara o
croata. Cabe mencionar que esta mitad oriental de la Europa Central de cultura
latina ya fue tratada por los papas de la Edad Media como śnica región y a
menudo enviaron legaciones cuya misión apuntaba a los territorios de Hungrķa,
Bohemia y Polonia. Y no hace mucho, las guerras balcįnicas de la śltima década
sucedieron en torno a la lķnea divisoria polķtico-cultural que desde
Diocleciano habķa separado el Este del Oeste.
En lo que
sigue me ocupo mįs bien de las universidades de Europa Centro-oriental que de
la verdadera Europa del Este, aunque a veces también me refiero a las segundas
por razones comparativas o de diferenciación.
En el
tema de la situación cultural y humana deseo abordar los factores que hacen de
la vida de la comunidad humana un conjunto razonable. Se incluyen aquķ la
lengua, el arte, las ciencias, la vivienda, el arte culinario, costumbres y
formas de actividad, e incluso la concepción de mundo, que se trasmite también
comunitariamente y que constituye el nścleo de la unidad de todo ello y
principalmente la religión.
En el marco
de la situación humana prestarķa mayor atención a las preguntas sobre la
concepción y conducción de la vida individual, a las relaciones personales
entre los hombres.
2. El cambio de las relaciones entre la sociedad y la educación superior, sus consecuencias
estructurales
a) El
marco general
El
perķodo del socialismo estuvo caracterizado por la economķa planificada. La
educación superior debķa ajustarse a las exigencias de la economķa, del aparato
estatal y de la polķtica. Esto implicaba también que la educación superior era
un monopolio completamente estatal o casi en su totalidad, como es el caso de
Polonia. El nśmero de candidatos a la universidad se decidķa estrictamente
segśn instituciones, facultades y especialidades, y se mantenķa bajo. Por encima
de este nśmero no se podķan aceptar mįs alumnos ni siquiera costeįndolo
personalmente. De modo que el principio de gratuidad de la enseńanza superior
se correspondia con una estricta limitación en el nśmero de las plazas
vacantes. A causa de este nśmero limitado en la mayorķa de las universidades se
observaba, de una parte, una sobredemanda de solicitudes, y de otra, una
rigurosidad en los exįmenes de admisión, principalmente las śltimas décadas de
la era comunista. Fuera de esto, entre los criterios de admisión conllevaba una
ventaja o desventaja codificada en la ley la pertenencia a algunas clases
sociales. Estaba determinado el porcentaje de candidatos de origen obrero o
campesino que debķan admitirse. Para los hijos de ciertos funcionarios
comunistas o de poseedores de sus distinciones habķa normas jurķdicas que les
otorgaban privilegios en los ansiados exįmenes de selección universitaria.
El
resultado fue que en estos paķses la proporción de los participantes en la
educación superior fue mucho menor que en los paises de Europa occidental. Al
mismo tiempo, esta situación tenķa también su lado positivo. Los graduados
tenķan asegurado su lugar de trabajo, si bien los salarios y las circunstancias
laborales a menudo eran miserables. Otra consecuencia de las estrictas
limitaciones fue que los que se graduaban se constituķan en miembros de una
suerte de élite la intelectualidad que sustituķa a la burguesķa. Este
hecho gozaba de elevado prestigio social. Diez o quince ańos atrįs, en los
anuncios matrimoniales de los periodicos todos buscaban pareja con diploma. Actualmente
esta condición va perdiendo importancia al respecto.
Los
cambios polķticos de los ańos 1989-1990 han corrido parejos con la instauración
de la economķa de mercado. En Europa Centro-oriental casi todos los partidos
polķticos y gobiernos anunciaron como programa oficial la adhesión a la Unión
Europea o por lo menos la nivelación con la educación superior de Europa
occidental. Su tema principal era plantearse el objetivo de aumentar el
nśmero de estudiantes. Ademįs, desde el comienzo declaraban que para que la
Unión Europea apoyara o el Banco Mundial secundara con créditos el desarrollo
de la educación superior en la región, era necesario crear unidades mayores,
unir e integrar muchas instituciones.
El nśmero
de participantes en la educación superior verdaderamente ha aumentado
considerablemente en toda la región estos śltimos ańos. Pero esto no ha sido
resultado del desarrollo orgįnico de la sociedad y la economķa, sino, en parte,
demanda espontįnea de la gente una vez suprimidas las limitaciones
administrativas, y, en parte, la polķtica gubernamental que ha querido acercar
al nivel occidental el nśmero de estudiantes. En el tramo inicial de la
transición lo caracterķstico fue la caķda general de nivel de vida y la crisis
económica; de esta manera, las duras medidas fiscales mįs bien substrajeron
también recursos económicos a la educación superior. En los śltimos 2 ó 3 ańos
en las regiones de Europa Centro-oriental (de cultura latina) fue atenuįndose
lentamente esta restricción económica, pero no por eso la grave falta de
financiación ha dejado de ser caracterķstica.
Dentro de
esto, también se ha retirado incluso parte de la financiación anterior de cuota
general o simplemente la cuota determinada segśn nśmero de estudiantes y por
concepto de estudios, y hoy se reparte por concurso, o se han abierto
ciertas posibilidades para participar en los concursos europeos. Para los docentes,
mal remunerados y no preparados para ello, esta situación representa un enorme
trabajo adicional. Los investigadores bien formados se ven obligados a invertir
la mayor parte de su tiempo en quehaceres administrativos.
Ademįs,
los concursos no promueven de verdad la mejora cualitativa, puesto que para el
control de los compromisos el Estado no cuenta con el aparato debido. La
creación de un organismo asķ absorberķa las sumas repartibles del concurso.
Una parte
del dinero obtenido en los concursos europeos representan un beneficio
insignificante a la institución concursante; son mįs bien las instituciones
copartķcipes occidentales las que le sacan provecho, las mismas que envķan
numerosos docentes no siempre de mejor nivel que los locales y consumen los
fondos obtenidos.
Por otro
lado, los créditos del Banco Mundial concedidos al gobierno para tales fines
incrementan mįs bien las deudas de estos paķses, por lo que los gobiernos
ofrecen a las instituciones de enseńanza superior grandes desarrollos a cuenta
de estos recursos, pero prefieren postergar la toma de créditos.
Otra
fuente importante del incremento de la población estudiantil es la formación
pagada por el propio estudiante. Esto se hace posible también para las
universidades estatales, donde por encima de los estudiantes estatalmente
financiados se reciben otros de pago. (
)
El
diploma y el sistema de calificación cientķfica también han cambiado
bįsicamente esta śltima década. En la era comunista las universidades no podķan
otorgar grado académico. El tķtulo de doctorado en Teologķa lo reconocķa el
Estado, pero este terreno estaba vedado a la vida cientķfica estatal. Los
juristas y médicos podķan usar su tķtulo de doctor en muchos paķses del įrea, y
hoy también, una vez recibido su diploma universitario, pero este grado,
conocido en el medio como "pequeńo doctorado", no tiene rango
cientķfico. Los grados cientķficos (candidatus scientiarum, doctor scientiarum)
podķan concederlos solamente las academias de ciencias de los respectivos
paķses, instituciones que formaban parte del sistema del estado-partido. Estos
cuerpos cientķficos a menudo supervivientes de antes de la II Guerra Mundial
sirvieron en gran medida como filtro polķtico de la gente que trabajaba en la
esfera cientķfica. (
)
Los
śltimos ańos han aumentado las filas de las academias de ciencias con una nueva
generación de cientķficos, lo que ha mejorado su prestigio, aunque ello no se
ha visto acompańado de ninguna transformación decisiva. Al mismo tiempo en la
financiación de la enseńanza superior se han vuelto a tomar en cuenta los
tķtulos concedidos por estas academias, ya que el nśmero de profesores que
disponen de ellos se considera indicador de la calidad. Hay quien opina que
esta situación afianza las posiciones de la capa docente postcomunista con
vistas a una nueva generación. (
)
b)
Reestructuración institucional
Junto a
las instituciones estatales en numerosos paķses de la región han nacido también
instituciones de educación superior eclesiįsticas y privadas. Sin embargo,
entretanto se efectuó también otro cambio importante: en varios paķses del įrea
han aparecido muchas nuevas universidades estatales pequeńas (por ejemplo, en
Eslovaquia); en otros puntos han abierto numerosas nuevas universidades
privadas, en su mayorķa pequeńas (por ejemplo, en Rumanķa). (
)
En
algunos paķses de la región toda institución de enseńanza superior figura con
el nombre de universidad; aunque, por ejemplo, en Eslovaquia, estį en marcha
una modificación de la ley de educación superior que diferenciarķa las distintas
categorķas de universidades, y calificarķa a algunas como unidades de exigencia
cientķfica y a otras como de exigencia no cientķfica. Cabe preguntarse, por
supuesto, si se justifica en el segundo caso utilizar la denominación de
universidad. En otros paķses, por ejemplo en Hungrķa, existen dos tipos de
instituciones de educación superior: universidades y escuelas superiores. Las
universidades deben impartir educación y realizar investigación de nivel
cientķfico, ademįs de estar obligadas a brindar formación doctoral cientķfica. Como
por cada estudiante las universidades reciben una financiación mucho mayor que
las escuelas superiores, se observa esa tendencia a elevar considerablemente el
volumen estudiantil principalmente en las escuelas superiores, ya que esto le
resulta mįs barato al Estado. (
)
c)
Reestructuración del profesorado. Evolución de la situación personal docente
En los
paķses del įrea ha disminuido drįsticamente la importancia de las
investigaciones en el terreno de las ciencias naturales. En el sistema
del Consejo de Ayuda Mutua Económica (COMECON) los paķses de Europa
Centro-oriental recibķan como tarea un įrea especializada determinada para la
realización de investigaciones bįsicas y aplicadas que regķa para toda la
comunidad económica. Las grandes empresas industriales socialistas y los
institutos de investigación estatales llevaban a cabo el grueso de estos
estudios, pero participaban en ellos también las universidades. En todo caso,
en ciertos sectores la formación de cientķficos a nivel universitario disponķa
de mercado receptor también en el interior del paķs. (
)
En la
esfera de las ciencias sociales, el cuerpo docente universitario,
principalmente en el sector del Derecho y de la Economķa, ha abandonado la
enseńanza en gran medida, ya que su labor se necesitaba urgentemente en la
renovada polķtica, en las oficinas de gobierno, en las instituciones orientadas
a la Unión Europea, en todos los terrenos de la economķa privada en desarrollo,
pero lo mismo en toda la serie de nuevo tipo de tareas de defensa y asistencia
legal paralelamente con un sistema jurķdico en transformación. Los śltimos diez
ańos han visto por lo general reducirse el interés por las diferentes
especialidades de Letras y Humanidades, puesto que ofrecen mķnimas posibilidades
salariales y de conseguir empleo. Esta región es el mundo de los estados
naciones, que no obstante su pequeńo tamańo disponen de una cultura
relativamente desarrollada, de lengua propia y fuerte identidad. El nuevo
nacionalismo se difundió en esta įrea de manera relativamente tardķa, por lo
que hasta nuestros dķas es fuente potencial de ciertos conflictos. Junto a este
trasfondo psicológico y social, muchos viven dramįticamente el hecho de que las
culturas vinculadas con la literatura y la lengua nacional se han devaluado
económicamente. Son una excepción hasta cierto punto los paķses que solamente
después del cambio de sistema obtuvieron su soberanķa, tal es el caso de
algunos paķses de la ex Unión Soviética, Ucrania, por ejemplo. En estos paķses
la lengua nacional tenķa un rol secundario anteriormente, pero ahora se ha
constituido en primera lengua del Estado, asķ su cultivo también ha recibido
nuevo impulso.
d) Las
posibilidades vocacionales de los estudiantes: perspectivas
La
juventud de toda la región ve claramente que las posibilidades de colocación en
la vida crecen decisivamente si siguen estudios en el extranjero, en Occidente.
Esta movilidad estudiantil constituye para los jóvenes del įrea un imperativo
mucho mįs categórico que para sus contemporįneos occidentales. Como sabemos,
estos śltimos generalmente reciben su formación ya en una gran lengua
occidental, y a menudo en sus universidades la formación doctoral se imparte
también en inglés. Las demįs condiciones de enseńanza son de nivel elevado.
Frente a esto, los alumnos de nuestra región realizan sus estudios en su lengua
nacional. Y estas, salvo el ruso, son lenguas pequeńas y de muy limitada
utilización cientķfica. Hay muchas posibilidades de becas también en las
universidades occidentales, aunque generalmente de breve duración, de medio ańo
o un ańo hacia el término del perķodo de la formación gradual. Con todo, estas
becas significan gran ayuda, y a largo plazo refuerzan la cooperación.(
)
Como la
demanda de diplomados cambia frecuente y drįsticamente, la mayorķa de
estudiantes tiende a obtener varios diplomas, carece de una imagen de carrera
concreta o de perspectivas sobre su propio futuro profesional. Muchos cambian
con frecuencia el rumbo de sus estudios y también de institución de enseńanza. Casi
podemos decir que la flexibilidad se ha convertido en la estrategia de esta
generación. Esto puede resultar śtil si se trata de ganarse la vida a corto
plazo, pero después de unos ańos para alcanzar una categorķa cientķfica o
profesional mįs elevada es necesaria una profundización mayor en una
especialidad concreta. Esta carencia muy a menudo provoca en la vida del joven
una crisis existencial. Sólo muy pocos reconocen que es imprescindible, e
incluso a largo plazo rentable, asumir el riesgo de la elección y
profundización profesional concreta. (
)
3. La situación cultural y humana
a) La
mentalidad de los estudiantes
Como
hemos seńalado, la mayorķa estudiantil estį caracterizada por una gran
incertidumbre profesional, cientķfica y humana. Comparado con la situación
anterior ahora abundan los alumnos con talento. A qué se debe este fenómeno es
algo que merecerķa estudio aparte. Puede ser que la mayor libertad de estudio
tenga algśn papel en esto. Al mismo tiempo, se manifiesta también mucha agresividad
e interés económico, porque muchos jóvenes consideran que sin esto no tendrį
posibilidades en la vida. Muy a menudo se observa como piden dinero por
cualquier esfuerzo especial. Hasta la organización de las actividades
estudiantiles autónomas son consideradas por ellos como fuente de ingresos, e
incluso es la razón por la que quieren ingresar en organismos de este tipo. Muchos
estudian paralela o sucesivamente, varias especialidades, en varias
universidades. Con frecuencia al mismo tiempo trabajan, ganan dinero.
Generalmente quieren ganar mucho mįs que los mayores que trabajan allķ. Y
generalmente lo consiguen, aunque se quedan poco tiempo en un mismo lugar y no
resultan mano de obra de confianza.
A la
incertidumbre en los estudios ha contribuido también el hecho de que en muchos
lugares se obligó por norma jurķdica a introducir el sistema de créditos, algo
que muchas veces ni los jefes, docentes o administradores entendķan o aplicaban
con la debida prudencia. Esto con frecuencia deposita en los docentes cargas
exageradas, implica una caķda de nivel, y hace posible que los alumnos quiten
del plan de estudios asignaturas fundamentales. En muchos lugares se
introdujeron cursos facultativos en gran nśmero y en forma asistemįtica. Lo que
a menudo justifican seńalando que deberķa elevarse la cultura general de los
estudiantes, pero no pocas veces la verdadera causa fue que los docentes que
estaban en buenas relaciones con la dirección universitaria tuvieran acceso a
ingresos parciales ademįs de su puesto principal. Por otra parte, las
asignaturas que dan la cultura general son cada vez mįs necesarias en la
universidad, dado que śltimamente vienen deteriorįndose al respecto las
escuelas medias de Europa Centro-oriental, las cuales tradicionalmente tenķan un
buen nivel: son muchas las clases, es enorme la carga que pesa sobre los nińos,
para ingresar en las universidades buenas se necesitan tales conocimientos
especializados, resultados cientķficos y rendimientos extra que obligan a los
estudiantes de secundaria a realizar trabajos que se prolongan hasta la noche. De
modo que la educación humana y la obtención de cultura general (literatura,
arte, mśsica, deportes, visión de mundo, conducta) se debilitan. Esto tampoco
puede compensarlo la universidad ni siquiera a pesar de sus esfuerzos.
La
ventaja que hoy tiene la educación secundaria y universitaria es que ha
mejorado la enseńanza de lenguas. Entre ellas, incluso la situación del latķn
observa un ligero impulso. Pero es el conocimiento del inglés el que principalmente
se hace casi general, aunque en Europa Centro-oriental es importante también la
enseńanza del alemįn. El francés sigue mostrando una declinación, mientras
aumenta el interés por el italiano y el espańol. La enseńanza del ruso, antes
obligatoria en todos los lugares, prįcticamente ha desaparecido. Ya se percibe
algo del comportamiento y de los hįbitos de vestirse del mundo occidental. Ha
aparecido un estrato intelectual de empresarios jóvenes, de ingresos
relativamente elevados. Algunos representantes de esta capa tienen también
exigencias intelectuales mįs altas. Pero a este respecto todavķa no alcanzan el
nivel de las élites de Europa Occidental. Parte considerable de ellos son de
filiación ex-comunista o de su descendencia, aunque en algunos paķses,
especialmente en la Repśblica Checa, la reaparecida antigua aristocracia ha
ganado también algunas posiciones.
La
consecuencia psicológica de todo esto ha sido la debilitación de la
solidaridad, la competencia recķproca (entre profesores, instituciones,
alumnos), la bśsqueda del interés polķtico, y ademįs la reaparición de
conflictos de grupo. Debe subrayarse que el interés polķtico generalmente no
nace del idealismo, sino viene motivado por el usufructo de intereses a corto
plazo, intereses que se alimentan en el terreno de la apatķa bįsica. No porque
la polķtica de algśn partido sirva al interés de un grupo social, sino, por la
expectativa de un puesto estatal o mejor empleo. Es llamativa la inseguridad en
el terreno de la elección del partido. Se prolonga mucho el perķodo de estudios
y el de la subsistencia incierta. A la vez son cada vez mayores las exigencias
sociales en cuanto a las condiciones materiales (vivienda, etc.) frente al
matrimonio y a la vida familiar. Esto conduce a desplazamiento en la edad de
los enlaces matrimoniales y, como ya hemos dicho, al alarmante descenso de la
población.
Las
relaciones con el alumnado extranjero y el intercambio estudiantil ofrece un
cuadro bastante desigual. Son pocos los alumnos extranjeros que vienen a estudiar
en estos paķses. Aunque se organiza formación en lengua extranjera. Si se trata
de formación bįsica, generalmente participan en ella occidentales como
estudiantes de pago que en su paķs han quedado fuera del numerus clausus. Hay
algunos cursos de doctorado donde una institución determinada recibe
estudiantes procedentes de los paķses del įrea examinada, por ejemplo, en
Polonia en la Facultad de Derecho Canónico de la Universidad Católica de Lublķn
estudian numerosos alumnos ucranianos y eslovacos, o también en la Facultad de
Derecho Canónico de la Universidad Católica de Budapest, donde vienen
estudiantes procedentes de Rumanķa, Ucrania, Eslovaquia y Alemania.
b) El
ambiente intelectual general
El
ambiente intelectual general de Europa Centro-oriental cambió
significativamente en las universidades y cķrculos intelectuales por el hecho
de que con el cambio de sistema se abrieron plenamente las posibilidades de
publicar. Todo lo que antes no se podķa publicar ahora ve la luz: trįtese de
valores cientķficos, de productos literarios insignificantes o de tono
extremista. Especial importancia tiene la traducción de la literatura
cientķfico-cultural occidental. En Hungrķa, por ejemplo, esto era posible ya en
las śltimas décadas del comunismo, pero las obras traducidas debķan pasar por
el tamiz de la polķtica cultural. En Rumanķa y otros paķses la posibilidad fue
incluso menor. Y ahora es cuando inundan a la vez el mercado bibliogrįfico de
estos paķses los valores y las extravagancias, las corrientes dominantes, de la
ciencia y la cultura humanista nada menos que de hace 50 ańos. Muchas veces la
presencia de algunas tendencias u obras no corresponde a la importancia
cultural de los escritos en cuestión, sino que refleja solamente la fuerza
económica de sus patrocinadores. Doctrinas religiosas esotéricas y teologķa
católica auténtica, clįsicos de la literatura protestante y ortodoxa,
historiadores franceses del cķrculo Annales, psicólogos y politólogos
anglosajones; hoy se tiene acceso libre a las obras de pensadores y filósofos
de todas las orientaciones. Por supuesto, han irrumpido en el mercado también
en gran medida la literatura fantįstica, la violencia y la pornografķa. Casi
simultįneamente con el cambio polķtico, pero de manera independiente de ello y
como resultado del desarrollo tecnológico, se hizo posible en todo hogar el
acceso a los canales de TV vķa satélite. Esto en sķ mismo también ha
transformado el modo de pensar de amplias masas. La élite y los medios
universitarios, por su parte, reaccionaron con mįs entusiasmo ante las
posibilidades de la prensa escrita. Los teatros han caķdo en seria crisis
económica en la región; sin embargo en sus programas puede apreciarse la
libertad y la misma riqueza experimental que en el campo de la literatura. Es
muy caracterķstico de la región la rįpida difusión de los grandes centros
comerciales. No pocos de ellos cumplen también el papel de lugar de
esparcimiento con cine, campo deportivo, librerķa y sala de ordenadores. Claro
estį, estos centros sirven mįs bien para la diversión de los estratos
populares. Su impacto cultural directo en el mundo universitario es
insignificante.
La
caracterķstica general de la intelectualidad joven es la total incertidumbre en
cuanto a su visión de mundo. En Europa Centro-oriental tampoco durante el
comunismo la ideologķa oficial daba el hilo conductor del pensamiento de la
intelectualidad, pero en ciertos paķses funcionaban fuertes subculturas que
determinaron también la orientación conceptual y cultural de la mayorķa. Es el
caso, por ejemplo de Polonia, donde era, y hasta cierto punto hoy también es,
muy fuerte la cultura humana de inspiración católica. Al mismo tiempo, es mucho
mįs secularizada la intelectualidad no sólo germano-oriental sino también la
checa. En este respecto, ciertas comunidades y grupos estįn caracterizadas por
la unidad personal, por la amistad solidaria, asķ como por la misma concepción
de mundo. Grupos asķ se adhieren a alguna pequeńa iglesia norteamericana, a
algśn movimiento espiritual católico, o a algśn cķrculo de pesamiento laico. La
trascendencia y valor de estas agrupaciones puede medirse, por otra parte, si
tomamos en cuenta que la mayorķa de universitarios se caracteriza por su
marcado aislamiento. Asķ tales indicios de įnimo asociativo, a no ser que corra
parejo con un contenido conceptual y cultural, muy rara vez representan valor
en nuestra sociedad.
El rasgo
caracterķstico de nuestro estado general es que considera importante el
rendimiento, pero mįs importante todavķa, el llamado éxito. El calificativo mįs
de moda entre los intelectuales de la región es el de "exitoso". Al
mismo tiempo, el reconocimiento o la valoración social del rendimiento no es
lógico, resulta mįs bien inseguro, imprevisible, a menudo subjetivo. Es decir,
puede ganarse dinero y reconocimiento no necesariamente con el desempeńo mįs
intenso o ni siquiera con el trabajo mįs importante para la sociedad. Esto fue
asķ también con el feudalismo, pero entonces la procedencia era lo que decidķa
la situación pecuniaria y social del hombre. Hoy por hoy, aunque han cesado las
antiguas discriminaciones comunistas practicadas segśn el origen, gana cada vez
mįs importancia el papel de la procedencia. Quién y dónde pueda estudiar, qué
puesto pueda recibir con su diploma, son cosas que no en pequeńa medida
dependen de la posición económica de su familia o de sus contactos. A pesar de
eso no se ha constituido aquķ en este sentido ninguna inmovilidad como en el
mundo tradicional. Por eso cunde el desmoralizador impacto que significa
supeditarse a la correlación imprevisible entre el rendimiento y el éxito. Esta
puede ser también la causa de que se abstengan de elegir un solo oficio,
incluso del afįn de obtener mįs de un diploma, o de empezar a trabajar cuanto
mįs tarde posible.
En la
mentalidad de nuestra juventud también podemos observar fenómenos postmodernos
auténticos. Las grandes utopķas sociales han perdido ampliamente su crédito y
fuerza movilizadora. Reacciones sentimentales sin ninguna lógica ni relación o
brutalidad pueden observarse en el pensamiento y la actividad de mucha gente. Si
lo pensamos bien, esto también es una forma del celebrado pensamiento débil y
fuerte postmodernista.
Particular
fuente de inseguridad procede de que muchos interpretan que en las democracias
simplemente se trata de aprobar la opinión de la mayorķa, puesto que la verdad
objetiva se ignora también en los interrogantes conceptuales, polķticos, y a
menudo incluso en cuestiones cientķfico-sociales y cientķfico-naturales. Frente
a esto, aparece de manera casi inorgįnica en la mentalidad pśblica el respeto a
los derechos fundamentales, a los derechos humanos. Es que, como sabemos, la
determinación o reconocimiento de su contenido presupone una imagen mįs o menos
objetiva y firme sobre el hombre y la sociedad, imagen que en tiempos de la
Ilustración generalmente aceptada, pero que en nuestros dķas ha desaparecido
casi por completo. De este modo, si la mayorķa en algśn paķs es nacionalista,
no respetuosa de la vida humana o acaso partidario de criterios racistas, se
hace general la incertidumbre sobre quién o a base de qué pueda criticar contra
lo aceptado por la mayorķa. No cabe duda de que en estas sociedades las
Constituciones no son resultado del trabajo de una Asamblea Constituyente
democrįticamente elegida, sino que en el marco del trįnsito pacķfico para salir
del socialismo se redactaron o modificaron segśn diferentes acuerdos y pactos. Asķ,
principalmente los primeros ańos después del cambio, en la región entera se
cuestionó la legitimidad de todo el poder estatal. Este problema se ha atenuado
algo en la mitad occidental del įrea; el lento ordenamiento de las relaciones
cotidianas, considerando la fuerza de los hechos, ha legitimado en parte el
orden vigente, atestiguando ante los ojos de la población que también con un
ordenamiento asķ se puede vivir igualmente una vida normal. Pero esto, desde
luego, estį todavķa lejos de ser un sistema o convicción conceptuales. A este
respecto particularmente en los medios estudiantiles de la intelectualidad con
base cultural católica para muchos ha sido alentadora la enseńanza del Papa
Juan Pablo II contenida, por ejemplo, en su Fides et ratio. La fe
católica como tradición de retorno a Cristo, y la Iglesia, como comunidad de
referencia de los fieles, pueden robustecer el sentimiento de seguridad del
hombre, su confianza en la posibilidad de reconocer la verdad. La fe depositada
en Dios creador y revelador puede ser también fuente de la confianza depositada
en el reconocimiento del mundo, del hombre y de la sociedad.
-
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[English]
Bishop Péter Erdő, the rector of the Pįzmįny Péter Catholic
University in Budapest in Hungary, describes the cultural situation in
universities in Eastern Europe. He gives an overview of the political changes
that have taken place in the last few years in the region. After analysing the
effect of these changes on the university system, he reflects on the mentality
of students and the intellectual climate in general.
[Franēais]
Mgr Péter Erdő, Recteur de luniversité catholique
" Pįzmįny Péter " de Budapest, en Hongrie, présente la
situation culturelle des Universités dEurope orientale. Il dresse un panorama
des changements politiques intervenus dans la région ces derničres années, pour
analyser ensuite leurs conséquences sur le systčme universitaire. Dans une
seconde partie, il propose une réflexion sur la mentalité des étudiants et sur
le milieu intellectuel en général.
[Italiano]
Mons. Péter Erdő, Rettore dellUniversitą Cattolica "Pįzmįny
Péter" di Budapest, Ungheria, presenta la situazione culturale delle
Universitą dellEuropa Orientale. Offrendo una panoramica dei cambiamenti politici
avvenuti in questi ultimi anni nella regione, analizza, nella prima parte del
suo studio, il loro effetto sul sistema universitario. Nella seconda parte propone una riflessione sulla
mentalitą degli studenti e dellambiente intellettuale in generale.
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Home > Catholic Encyclopedia > W > Diocese of Wladislaw |
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Diocese of Wladislaw
(Polish The historical origin of
this diocese is not known precisely. The city of According to Dlugosz the
first episcopal see of the Diocese of Wloclawek was at Kruszwica, a city in
the In its historical
beginnings the Diocese of Wloclawek comprised the whole territory of Kujawa
(Ziemia Kujawska) divided into the two palatinates of Inowroclaw and In 1818 the Diocese of
Wloclawek underwent a complete change of boundaries, pursuant to the Bull
"Ex imposita nobis" of Pius VII. All The first Bishop of
Kruszwica -- which was the first episcopal see of the Diocese of Wloclawek
according to Dlugosz -- was Lucidus, who died in 993. Between 993 and 1133
the old Polish historians give the names of eight bishops: Maurice, or
Lawrence, Marcellus, Venatius, Andreas, John Baptist, Paulinus, Baldwin, and
Suidger But this list is apocryphal and at most, according to Chodyneski,
gives the names of the parish priests of Kruszwica or of the superiors of a
monastery which existed there. The first Bishop of Wloclawek, whose name
occurs in the Bull of Eugene III of 1148, is Warner. He was succeeded by
Onoldus, an Italian by birth (1161-80). According to Chodynski's list,
Onoldus was followed by two bishops, Rudgerus (d. 1170) and Wunelphus, or
Wunulphus, or Onolphus (d. 1187). These two are omitted in Fijalek's list,
and his authority is of greater historical value than Chodynski's. From 1187
to 1198 one Stephen, a German by birth, according to Rzepnicki, is called episcopus
Cuiaviensis. Then followed Ogerius, an Italian (1207-12); Bartha, a Roman
(1215-20), who took part in the Synod of Woborz (1215); Michael, a Pole
(1222-52), who restored the archdeaconry of Kruswica, suppressed by Ogeris;
Wolmir (1252-75); Adalbertus, Alberus, or Alber (1275-83); Wislaw
(1284-1300); Gerward (1300-23), who had to contend with the efforts of the
Prussian Knights of the Cross to wrest some of his territory from him;
Mathias Golanczweski (1323-68), who abdicated in 1364; Zbilut Golanczweski
(13364-83); Teodryk (1383-84); John, Prince of Opolis (1384-89; 1402-21);
Henry, Prince of Lignica (1389-98); Nicholas of Curow (1399-1402); John Pella
of Niewiesz (1421-28); John Szafraniec (1428-33), chancellor of the Kingdom
of Poland; Ladislaus of Oporowa (1422-49); Nicholas Lasocki (1449-50), who
died at Terni returning from Rome, whither he had gone as ambassador for
Casimir Jagiellonczyk (1147-92); John Gruszczynski (1449-63), chancellor of
the kingdom; John Lutka (1463-64); James of Siena (1464-73); Zbigniew of
Olesnica (1473-80); Andrew of Oporowa (1481-83); Peter Moszynski (1484-94);
Creslao (Krzeslau) of Kurozwenk (1494-1503), chancellor of the kingdom;
Vincentius Przerenbski (1503-13); Mathias of Drzewice (1513-31); John
Karnowski (1531-38); Lucas of Gorka (1538-42); Nicholas Dzierzgowski
(1543-46); Andreas Zebrzydowski (1546-51); John Drohojowski (1551-57); James
Uchanski (1557-61); Nicholas Wolski (1562-67); Stanislaus Karnkowski
(1567-81), who published the documents of the provincial Synod of Gnesen
(1578); Jerome Rozdrazewski (1581-1600), who died at Rome in the odour of
sanctity; John Tarnowski(1600-03); Peter Tylicki (1604-07); Adalbert
Baranowski (1607-08); Mathias Petrokowski (1608-09); Lawrence Gembicki
(1609-15); Paul Wolucki (1616-22); Andreas Lipski (1623-31); Mathias
Lubienski (1631-41); Nicholas Gniewosz (1642-54); Florian Czartoryski
(1654-74); John Gembicki (1674-75); Stanislaus Sarnowski (1677-80);
Bonaventure Modalinski (1681-91); Stanislaus Dambski (1691-99); Stanislaus
Szembek (1699-1706); Felician Szanawski (1707-20); Christopher Szembek
(1720-38); Adam Grabowski (1738-41); Valens Czapski (1741-51); Antonius
Dembowski (152-62); Antonius Ostrowski (1762-66); Joseph Rybinski
(1777-1806). On the death of Rybinski the See of Wloclawek remained vacant
for nine years. Francis Malczewski was bishop from 1815 to 1818. In 1819 the
Diocese of Wloclawek, with new boundaries determined by the Bull "Ex
imposita nobis", received as its bishop Andrew Wollowicz (1819-22), who
was succeeded by Joseph Stephen Kozmian (1823-31). The see then remained
vacant until 1837, when Valentine Tomazewski was elected bishop (1837-50). He
was followed by Nicholas Blocki (d. 1851); John Michael Marzewski (1856-57);
Vincent Popiel (1867-83); Alexander Beresniewicz (1883-1902); Stanislaus
Casimir Zdzitowiecki. The see also had
suffragan bishops; the first of whom there is any mention was Ubricus,
suffragan of John, Prince of Opole (1402-21). Kreslaus of Kurozwenk obtained
an edict in virtue of which the abbots of the Cistercian Monastery of Koronow
had the dignity of suffragan bishops of their dioceses; but the decree was
not obeyed. Mathias Drjewicki had the canon Alexander of Miszin consecrated
as his suffragan bishop in 1515, with the title of Bishop of Margarita.
Bishop Karnowski endeavoured, by means of a capitular constitution, to obtain
that the suffragan bishops of his diocese should be elected from among the
prelates and canons of The religious orders were
widely diffused in the Diocese of Wloclawek. In 1173 there arose in The number of secular
priests is 538. The diocesan seminary, founded in 1568 by Bishop Karnkowski,
is in a very flourishing condition. The education of the seminarists was in
1719 entrusted to the Lazarists, who continued in the charge until 1864.
There are 102 seminarists. In 1910 the professors of the seminary began the
publication of a splendid monthly review, "Ateneum kaplanski",
which, for solidity of learning and wealth of theological and religious
contents holds the first place in the Catholic Press of Poland. The ancient
Diocese of Wloclawek had much to suffer from Hussitism, and afterwards from Lutheranism. The negligence of Bishops Zebrzydowski,
Drohiowski, and Uchanski contributed to the diffusion of the latter heresy.
DAMALEWICZ,
Vitae vladislaviensium episcoporum ( A. PALMIERI |
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