https://www.larousse.fr/encyclopedie/personnage/Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz/129339

https://www.maths-et-tiques.fr/index.php/histoire-des-maths/mathematiciens-celebres/leibniz

http://www.cosmovisions.com/Leibniz.htm

http://www.bibmath.net/bios/index.php?action=affiche&quoi=leibniz

https://fr.wikisource.org/wiki/Auteur:Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz

https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gottfried_Wilhelm_Leibniz

https://www.les-philosophes.fr/auteur-leibniz.html

https://www.babelio.com/auteur/Gottfried-Wilhelm-Leibniz/118302

http://classes.bnf.fr/dossitsm/b-leibni.htm

https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/le-gai-savoir/la-monadologie-leibniz

https://citation-celebre.leparisien.fr/auteur/leibniz

https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nouveaux_Essais_sur_l%27entendement_humain

https://www.britannica.com/biography/Gottfried-Wilhelm-Leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz

(Libenitzki)

First published Sat Dec 22, 2007; substantive revision Wed Jul 24, 2013

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) was one of the great thinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is known as the last “universal genius”. He made deep and important contributions to the fields of metaphysics, epistemology, logic, philosophy of religion, as well as mathematics, physics, geology, jurisprudence, and history. Even the eighteenth-century French atheist and materialist Denis Diderot, whose views were very often at odds with those of Leibniz, could not help being awed by his achievement, writing in his entry on Leibniz in the Encyclopedia, “Perhaps never has a man read as much, studied as much, meditated more, and written more than Leibniz… What he has composed on the world, God, nature, and the soul is of the most sublime eloquence. If his ideas had been expressed with the flair of Plato, the philosopher of Leipzig would cede nothing to the philosopher of Athens” (Oeuvres complètes, vol. 7, p. 709). Indeed, Diderot was almost moved to despair in this piece: “When one compares the talents one has with those of a Leibniz, one is tempted to throw away one's books and go die quietly in the dark of some forgotten corner” (Oeuvres complètes, vol. 7, p. 678). More than a century later, Gottlob Frege, who fortunately did not cast his books away in despair, expressed similar admiration, declaring that “in his writings, Leibniz threw out such a profusion of seeds of ideas that in this respect he is virtually in a class of his own” (“Boole's logical Calculus and the Concept-script” in Posthumous Writings, p. 9). The aim of this entry is primarily to introduce Leibniz's life and summarize and explicate his views in the realms of metaphysics, epistemology, and philosophical theology.

Note that throughout this entry, the following standard abbreviations are used: PC (Principle of Contradiction), PSR (Principle of Sufficient Reason), PII (Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles), PIN (Predicate-in-Notion Principle), and CIC (Complete Individual Concept).

1. Life

Leibniz was born in Leipzig on July 1, 1646, two years prior to the end of the Thirty Years War, which had ravaged central Europe. His family was Lutheran and belonged to the educated elite on both sides: his father, Friedrich Leibniz, was a jurist and professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Leipzig, and his mother, Catharina Schmuck, the daughter of a professor of Law. Leibniz's father died in 1652, and his subsequent education was directed by his mother, uncle, and according to his own reports, himself. He was given access to his father's extensive library at a young age and proceeded to pore over its contents, particularly the volumes of ancient history and the Church Fathers.

In 1661 Leibniz began his formal university education at the University of Leipzig. As the “modern” philosophy of Descartes, Galileo, Gassendi, Hobbes and others had not made a great impact by this time in the German-speaking lands, Leibniz's philosophical education was chiefly Scholastic in its nature, though he was also exposed to elements of Renaissance humanism. While in Leipzig, Leibniz met Jacob Thomasius, who would have an important influence on Leibniz and who supervised Leibniz's first philosophical treatise On the Principle of Individuation (De principio individui). It was Thomasius more than anyone else perhaps who instilled in Leibniz a great respect for ancient and medieval philosophy. Indeed, one of the leitmotifs of Leibniz's philosophical career is his desire to reconcile the modern philosophy with the philosophy of Aristotle, Plato, the Scholastics and the Renaissance humanist tradition. After receiving his baccalaureate from Leipzig, he continued his studies at the University of Altdorf. While there Leibniz published in 1666 the remarkably original Dissertation on the Art of Combinations (Dissertatio de arte combinatoria), a work that sketched a plan for a “universal characteristic” and logical calculus, a subject that would occupy him for much of the rest of his life. Although Leibniz was offered a position on the faculty of Law upon the completion of his Doctorate of Law in 1667, he had a different future in mind.

In that year, Leibniz met Baron Johann Christian von Boineburg, a Protestant convert to Catholicism, who was able to secure a position for Leibniz with the Elector of Mainz. While in the court of the Elector, Leibniz composed a series of works in philosophical theology, the Catholic Demonstrations, which are another manifestation of Leibniz's lifelong irenicism: in this case, in their attempt to provide a basis and justification for the reconciliation of Protestantism and Catholicism. Leibniz also turned his mind to natural philosophy, having finally been able to study some of the works of the moderns; the result was a two-part treatise in 1671, the New Physical Hypothesis (Hypothesis physica nova). The first part, the Theory of Abstract Motion (Theoria motus abstracti), was dedicated to the Académie des Sciences de Paris, and the second part, the Theory of Concrete Motion (Theoria motus concreti), was dedicated to the Royal Society in London. These works, however, were not likely to impress their audiences, for, given his circumstances, Leibniz could not but produce amateurish works in the field.

This changed, however, in 1672, when Leibniz was given the single most important opportunity of his life: the Elector of Mainz sent him on a diplomatic mission to Paris, the center of learning and science at the time. Leibniz was able to stay in Paris for four years (with a brief trip to London in 1673), during which time he met many of the major figures of the intellectual world, among them Antoine ArnauldNicholas Malebranche, and, most important, the Dutch mathematician and physicist, Christiaan Huygens. It was he, “the great Huygenius” (as John Locke would call him in the Dedicatory Epistle to his Essay Concerning Human Understanding), who took Leibniz under his wing and tutored him in the developments in philosophy, physics, and mathematics. Not only was Leibniz able to converse with some of the greatest minds of the seventeenth century while in Paris, he was also given access to the unpublished manuscripts of Descartes and Pascal. And, according to Leibniz, it was while reading the mathematical manuscripts of Pascal that he began to conceive what would eventually become his differential calculus and his work on infinite series. In this time, Leibniz also designed a calculating machine able to perform addition, subtraction, multiplication, and division (see the Other Internet Resources for a picture). And his trip to London in 1673 was meant in part to present his designs to the Royal Society.

While Leibniz was living the life of the mind in Paris, his employer died, and Leibniz was thus forced to look for another position. He eventually found one as the librarian for Duke Johann Friedrich of Brunswick, who ruled in Hanover. On the way to Hanover, Leibniz stopped in Amsterdam to meet with Spinoza between November 18 and 21, 1676, three months before the latter's death; according to Leibniz's own notes, they spoke of Spinoza's yet-to-be-published Ethics, Cartesian physics, and Leibniz's improved version of the ontological argument (see below). Although Leibniz would travel to Italy for a time in the late 1680s in order to conduct historical research for the House of Hanover and make many shorter trips (including to Vienna), the rest of his life was essentially spent in Hanover and its environs, working in different capacities for the court, first, for Johann Friedrich until his death in 1680, then for Johann Friedrich's brother, Ernst August (from 1680 to 1698), and finally for the latter's son, Georg Ludwig, who in 1714 would become George I of England. Leibniz's relations with Ernst August and Georg Ludwig were not as amicable as his relations with his original employer, but he was close to Sophie, the wife of Ernst August and youngest sister of Princess Elisabeth of Bohemia, with whom Descartes had an important philosophical correspondence. (Sophie was also the daughter of Elizabeth Stuart, and it is for this reason that her son became King of England.)

While Leibniz may have felt physically isolated from the intellectual scene of Europe, he did manage to stay connected through a vast network of correspondents. (Leibniz exchanged letters with over 1100 different people in the course of his life.) Despite the great demands placed on Leibniz as librarian, then historian, and Privy Councillor at the court of Hanover, he was able to complete work that, in its breadth, depth, and sheer quantity, is staggering.

Leibniz's final years were bleak. He was engaged in a vituperative debate with Newton and his followers over the priority of the discovery of the calculus, even being accused of stealing Newton's ideas. (Most historians of mathematics now claim that Newton and Leibniz developed their ideas independently: Newton developing the ideas first with Leibniz the first to publish.) And at the court he was mocked for his wig and old-fashioned clothing (think 1670s Paris!). When Georg became George, the acrimony surrounding Leibniz in England was so great that Leibniz was asked to remain in Hanover rather than follow his employer to London. Leibniz died November 14, 1716.

1.1 Chronology of Major Writings

1684 Meditations on Knowledge, Truth, and Ideas
1686 Discourse on Metaphysics
1686f Correspondence with Arnauld
1689 Primary Truths
1695 New System
1695 Specimen Dynamicum
1697 On the Ultimate Origination of Things
1698 On Nature Itself
1699f Correspondence with De Volder
1704 New Essays on Human Understanding
1706f Correspondence with Des Bosses
1710 Theodicy
1714 Monadology
1714 Principles of Nature and Grace
1715f Correspondence with Clarke

2. Overview of Leibniz's Philosophy

Unlike most of the great philosophers of the period, Leibniz did not write a magnum opus; there is no single work that can be said to contain the core of his thought. While he did produce two books, the Theodicy (1710) and the New Essays Concerning Human Understanding (finished in 1704 but not published until 1765), the student of Leibniz's thought must piece together Leibniz's philosophy from his myriad writings: essays published in scholarly journals and in more popular journals; unpublished works left abandoned by their author; and his many letters. Moreover, many of Leibniz's writings have not yet been published. The authoritative scholarly version of Leibniz's works, the Akademie edition, has thus far only published his philosophical writings from 1663 to 1690; in other words, only half of his writing life has been covered. And the mere act of dating pieces often depends upon careful analysis of the paper Leibniz wrote on and watermarks and so on. (Hence, for example, the important short work, Primary Truths, which, because of its content, was often thought to date to 1686 (as in AG), has recently been redated by the Akademie editors to 1689 because of a watermark.) Piecing together Leibniz's philosophy into a systematic whole is made more difficult because Leibniz seems to have changed or at least refined his views on a number of issues over the course of his career and because he was always very aware (some might say too aware) of the audience for any of his writings.

As stated above, Leibniz's intellectual training was squarely in the tradition of Scholasticism and Renaissance humanism; his background, then, was of Aristotelianism, Platonism, and orthodox Christianity. Yet, as he became more familiar with the modern philosophy of the seventeenth century, he came to see many of its virtues. Although there is some reason to be skeptical of the details, the spirit of the self-portrait Leibniz paints to Nicolas Remond in 1714 can be a helpful guide for approaching his work. He writes:

…I have tried to uncover and unite the truth buried and scattered under the opinions of all the different philosophical sects, and I believe I have added something of my own which takes a few steps forward. The circumstances under which my studies proceeded from my earliest youth have given me some facility in this. I discovered Aristotle as a lad, and even the Scholastics did not repel me; even now I do not regret this. But then Plato too, and Plotinus, gave me some satisfaction, not to mention other ancient thinkers whom I consulted later. After finishing the trivial schools, I fell upon the moderns, and I recall walking in a grove on the outskirts of Leipzig called the Rosental, at the age of fifteen, and deliberating whether to preserve substantial forms or not. Mechanism finally prevailed and led me to apply myself to mathematics…. But when I looked for the ultimate reasons for mechanism, and even for the laws of motion, I was greatly surprised to see that they could not be found in mathematics but that I should have to return to metaphysics. This led me back to entelechies, and from the material to the formal, and at last brought me to understand, after many corrections and forward steps in my thinking, that monads or simple substances are the only true substances and that material things are only phenomena, though well founded and well connected. Of this, Plato, and even the later Academics and the skeptics too, had caught some glimpses… I flatter myself to have penetrated into the harmony of these different realms and to have seen that both sides are right provided that they do not clash with each other; that everything in nature happens mechanically and at the same time metaphysically but that the source of mechanics is metaphysics. (G III 606/L 654–55)

Again, there is some reason to doubt whether Leibniz was really fifteen when he made his philosophical perambulations and whether and to what extent he had actually read any of the moderns. Nevertheless, this self-portrait does express something that one sees in Leibniz's writings: the weaving together of varying strands of ancient and modern philosophy in a remarkably creative and sophisticated manner.

The letter to Remond makes clear that Leibniz had reservations about certain aspects of the modern philosophy, qualms that arose from and led him back to this eclectic mix of Aristotle and Christian Platonism. It is probably most helpful, then, to see Leibniz's philosophy as a reaction to two sets of modern opponents: on the one hand, Descartes and his followers; on the other hand, Hobbes and Spinoza.

Leibniz's critique of Descartes and his followers was focused principally on the Cartesian account of body or corporeal substance. According to Descartes, the essence of body is extension; that is, a corporeal substance is simply a geometric object made concrete, an object that has size and shape and is in motion. This view, indeed, is the cornerstone of the new mechanical philosophy to which Leibniz was originally attracted. Nevertheless, Leibniz came to see two distinct problems with this view. First, in claiming that the essence of body is extension, Descartes is endorsing the view that matter is infinitely divisible. But if matter is infinitely divisible, then one can never arrive at the simple unities that must exist at some ontological ground level. Second, if matter is simply extension, then there is in its nature no source of activity. If this is so, Leibniz thought, then the bodily objects of the world cannot count as substances.

Hobbes and Spinoza, despite their own differences, advanced, or were read as advancing, a number of objectionable and deeply troubling theses which Leibniz (and most of his contemporaries) saw as an enormous threat: materialism, atheism, and necessitarianism. It is Leibniz's response to Hobbesian and Spinozistic necessitarianism that is perhaps of greatest interest, for he sought to develop an account of action and contingency that would preserve divine and human freedom. As will be shown, central to Leibniz's philosophy was the view that God freely chose the best world from an infinite number of possible worlds and that a person could be said to act freely when the contrary of that action does not imply a contradiction. (This topic will be addressed principally in the article on Leibniz's Modal Metaphysics.)

3. Some Fundamental Principles of Leibniz's Philosophy

Leibniz asserts in the Monadology §§31–32, “Our reasonings are based on two great principles, that of contradiction… [and] that of sufficient reason” (G II 612/AG 217). To these two great principles could be added four more: the Principle of the Bestthe Predicate-in-Notion Principlethe Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles, and the Principle of Continuity. The relation among these principles is more complicated than one might expect. Leibniz sometimes suggests that the Principle of the Best and the Predicate-in-Notion Principle can be said to ground his “two great principles”; at other times, however, all four principles seem to work together in a system of circular implication. And while the Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles is often presented in contemporary discussions in analytic metaphysics as a stand-alone axiom, Leibniz tells us that it follows from the two great principles. Finally, the Principle or Law of Continuity is actually a principle that Leibniz takes from his work in mathematics and applies to the infinite hierarchy of monads in the world and to the quality of their perceptions; it appears to derive only tenuous support from the Principle of Sufficient Reason.

3.1 The Principle of the Best

Leibniz presented a number of arguments for the existence of God, which represent great contributions to philosophical theology and which will be discussed below. But one of the most basic principles of his system is that God always acts for the best. While this is generally treated as an axiom, the opening of the Discourse on Metaphysics does present something of an argument for it: “God is an absolutely perfect being”; “power and knowledge are perfections, and, insofar as they belong to God, they do not have limits”; “Whence it follows that God, possessing supreme and infinite wisdom, acts in the most perfect manner, not only metaphysically, but also morally speaking…” (AG 35) This might not appear a surprising claim from a theist, but it is not obvious that God must always act for the best or even create the best world. (See Adams 1972) And Leibniz sometimes implicitly, sometimes explicitly, appeals to this principle in his metaphysics, most notably when he is also employing the Principle of Sufficient Reason. Indeed, when it comes to the creation of the world, the “sufficient reason” for God's choice of this world is that this world is the “best” of all possible worlds; in other words, in this case the Principle of Sufficient Reason is essentially the Principle of the Best.

3.2 Predicate-in-Notion Principle (PIN)

Leibniz has a very distinctive notion of truth, one which underlies much of his metaphysics. But this notion of truth goes back to Aristotle's Organon (cf. Posterior Analytics I.4), as Leibniz himself says, and it is also present in Arnauld and Nicole's Logic, or the Art of Thinking (Book IV, Chapter 6). As Leibniz puts it in a letter to Arnauld, “in every true affirmative proposition, whether necessary or contingent, universal or particular, the notion of the predicate is in some way included in that of the subject. Praedicatum inest subjecto; otherwise I do not know what truth is” (G II 56/L 337). As he tells us in the Primary Truths and the Discourse on Metaphysics, many things follow from the Predicate-in-Notion Principle (PIN), including what he believes to be the correct analysis of necessity and contingency.

3.3 Principle of Contradiction (PC)

Leibniz also follows Aristotle (cf. Metaphysics IV.3), in placing great emphasis on the Principle of Identity or the Principle of Contradiction (PC). PC states simply that “a proposition cannot be true and false at the same time, and that therefore A is A and cannot be not A” (G VI 355/AG 321). According to Leibniz, the primary truths of his metaphysical system are identities, but, in a striking move, he combines PC with PIN and asserts in Primary Truths that “all remaining truths are reduced to primary truths with the help of definitions, that is, through the resolution of notions” (A VI iv 1644/AG 31). Furthermore, the combination of PC and PIN will mean that, since in any true proposition the predicate is contained explicitly or implicitly within the subject, this is so for all affirmative truths, whether they be universal or particular, necessary or contingent. Leibniz will use this seemingly innocuous principle to draw profoundly strong metaphysical conclusions about the nature of substance and modality.

3.4 Principle of Sufficient Reason (PSR)

The Principle of Sufficient Reason (PSR) in its classic form is simply that nothing is without a reason (nihil est sine ratione) or there is no effect without a cause. As Leibniz remarks, this principle “must be considered one of the greatest and most fruitful of all human knowledge, for upon it is built a great part of metaphysics, physics, and moral science” (G VII 301/L 227). In the Principles of Nature and Grace, Leibniz suggests that the claim that nothing takes place without a sufficient reason means that nothing happens in such a way that it is impossible for someone with enough information to give a reason why it is so and not otherwise. In the Monadology and elsewhere, however, Leibniz frankly admits that “most of the time these reasons cannot be known to us” (G VI 612/AG 217). While the idea that every event must have a cause and that there is a reason why everything is so and not otherwise again might not seem novel, it is the connection that Leibniz sees between this principle and his other metaphysical principles that is noteworthy. According to Leibniz, PSR must actually follow from PIN, for if there were a truth that had no reason, then there would be a proposition whose subject did not contain the predicate, which is a violation of Leibniz's conception of truth.

3.5 Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles (PII)

PC and PSR may seem innocent enough, but Leibniz's other well-known principle, the Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles (PII), is more controversial. (See also the entry on identity of indiscernibles.) In one of Leibniz's typical formulations, PII states that “it is not true that two substances can resemble each other completely and differ only in number [solo numero]” (A VI, iv, 1541/AG 42). In other words, if two things share all properties, they are identical, or (∀F)(Fx ↔ Fy) → x = y. What is particularly important to note, however, is that Leibniz is adamant that certain kinds of properties are excluded from the list of properties that could count as difference-making properties, chief among these spatio-temporal properties. This is what Leibniz means (in part) when he asserts that there can be no purely extrinsic (i.e., relational) determinations. Therefore, it is not the case that there could be two chunks of matter that are qualitatively identical but existing in different locations. In Leibniz's view, any such extrinsic difference must be founded on an intrinsic difference. As he puts it in the New Essays,

although time and place (i.e., the relations to what lies outside) do distinguish for us things which we could not easily tell apart by reference to themselves alone, things are nevertheless distinguishable in themselves. Thus, although diversity in things is accompanied by diversity of time or place, time and place do not constitute the core of identity and diversity, because they [sc. different times and places] impress different states upon the thing. To which it can be added that it is by means of things that we must distinguish one time or place from another, rather than vice versa. (A VI vi 230/RB 230)

There is also the related, though uncontroversial, Principle of the Indiscernibility of Identicals: if two things are identical, then they share all properties, or x = y → (∀F)(Fx ↔ Fy). The combination of these two principles is sometimes called “Leibniz's Law”: two things are identical if and only if they share all properties, or x = y ↔ (∀F)(Fx ↔ Fy). (Sometimes, unfortunately, only the Principle of the Indiscernibility of Identicals is so called.)

It is also interesting to note that in his Primary Truths and Correspondence with Clarke, Leibniz presents PII not as a bedrock axiom of his system but as a consequence of PC and PSR. Briefly, one way to sketch the argument is this:

(1) Suppose there were two indiscernible individuals, a and b, in our world, W.
(2) If this were the case, then there must also be a possible world, W*, in which a and b are “switched.”
(3) But if this were the case, then God could have had no reason for choosing W over W*.
(4) But God must have a reason for acting as he does. (PSR)
(5) Therefore, our original supposition must be false. There are not two indiscernible individuals in our world. (PII)

Now, it was said above that Leibniz excludes purely extrinsic denominations (or relational properties) from the kinds of properties that are constitutive of an individual. To allow purely extrinsic denominations would be to accept the possibility that that two things could be discernible in terms of their relational properties while being identical in terms of their intrinsic properties, for their relational properties would not follow from their intrinsic properties. (Again, if relational properties were allowed to factor into the nature of an individual, then PII would be relatively weak. Of course two things that exist in different spatio-temporal locations are distinct, and that is what Leibniz admits in the passage from the New Essays above.) But if we follow Leibniz in excluding such relational properties as difference-making properties and reflect on the above argument, then we see that worlds are distinguished in terms of intrinsic properties of individuals and that this difference has a bearing on the relative greatness or perfection of a world. Again, let a and b be indiscernible but occupying mirror positions in W and W*. How could we ever say that W was more worthy of God's choice than W*? We could not. There must be a reason why a is here and b is there, and this reason has to do with the intrinsic properties of a and b. In other words, even the relational properties must be somehow derivative of the intrinsic properties of substances.

As we shall see, Leibniz employs this principle in a range of arguments: against the mind as a tabula rasa, against atomism, against Newtonian absolute space, and so on. (For more on this subject, consult the entry on identity of indiscernibles.)

3.6 Principle of Continuity

According to Leibniz, there are “two famous labyrinths where our reason very often goes astray” (G VI 29/H 53). The first concerns human freedom, the latter the composition of the continuum. Leibniz, however, thought that he had found the way out of each labyrinth, and his solution to the problem of the continuum is related ultimately to a maxim or law that he employs not only in his mathematical writings but also in his metaphysics. As he puts it in the Preface to the New Essays, “Nothing takes place suddenly, and it is one of my great and best confirmed maxims that nature never makes leaps” (A VI vi 56/RB 56). More exactly, Leibniz believes that this law or principle implies that any change passes through some intermediate change and that there is an actual infinity in things. The Principle of Continuity will be employed to show that no motion can arise from a state of complete rest and that “noticeable perceptions arise by degrees from ones which are too minute to be noticed” (ibid.).

4. Metaphysics: A Primer on Substance

I consider the notion of substance to be one of the keys to the true philosophy. (G III 245/AG 286)

For Leibniz, the fundamental questions of metaphysics were reducible to questions of ontology: What is there? What are the most basic components of reality? What grounds what? In a certain sense, his answer remained constant throughout his life: everything is composed of or reducible to simple substances; everything is grounded in simple substances. While Leibniz appears to have given slightly different accounts of the precise nature of these simple substances over the course of his career, there are many features that remained constant in his mature philosophy: Leibniz always believed that a substance had a “complete individual concept” and that it was essentially an active unity endowed with perception and appetition.

4.1 The Logical Conception of Substance

In §8 of the Discourse on Metaphysics, Leibniz gives one of his most important accounts of the nature of individual substance. There he claims that the Aristotelian idea that a substance is that which is the subject of predication and which cannot be predicated of something else is insufficient for a true analysis of the nature of substance. He next appeals to the PC and the PIN: in every true predication, the concept of the predicate is contained in the concept of the subject. “Since this is so,” Leibniz claims, “we can say that the nature of an individual substance or of a complete being is to have a notion so complete that it is sufficient to contain and to allow us to deduce from it all the predicates of the subject to which this notion is attributed” (A VI iv 1540/AG 41). In other words, x is a substance if and only if x has a complete individual concept (CIC), that is, a concept that contains within it all predicates of x past, present, and future. The CIC, then, serves to individuate substances; it is able to pick out its bearer from an infinity of other finite created substances. Leibniz gives as an example Alexander the Great. The concept of Alexander contains being a King, being a student of Aristotle, conquering Darius and Porus, and so on. Now, “God, seeing Alexander's individual notion or haecceity, sees in it at the same time the basis and reason for all the predicates which can be said truly of him” (A VI iv 1540–41/AG 41). Leibniz's invocation of the Scotist notion of a haecceity is intriguing. What Leibniz is telling us is that Alexander's thisness is determined by the sum of his qualitative properties. Moreover, we can see a metaphysical aspect to this logical conception of substance: the complete individual concept of a substance is the notion or essence of the substance as it known by the divine understanding.

Leibniz concludes this section with his celebrated doctrine of marks and traces: “when we consider carefully the connection of things, we can say that from all time in Alexander's soul there are vestiges of everything that has happened to him and marks of everything that will happen to him and even traces of everything that happens in the universe, even though God alone could recognize them all” (A VI iv 1541/AG 41). The doctrine of marks and traces, therefore, claims that, because the CIC contains all predicates true of a substance past, present, and future, the entire history of the universe can be read (if only by God) in the essence of any individual substance.

The consequences that Leibniz draws from the logical conception of substance and the doctrine of marks and traces are remarkable. In the following section (§9) of the Discourse on Metaphysics, we are told they include the following:

(1) No two substances can resemble each other completely and be distinct. (PII)
(2) A substance can only begin in creation and end in annihilation.
(3) A substance is not divisible.
(4) One substance cannot be constructed from two.
(5) The number of substances does not naturally increase and decrease.
(6) Every substance is like a complete world and like a mirror of God or of the whole universe, which each expresses in its own way.

Unfortunately, Leibniz's reasons for drawing these consequences are not in all cases obvious. Why should PII follow from the complete individual concept account of substance? If we consider the CIC as that which allows us to pick out and individuate any individual substance from an infinity of substances, then we realize that, if the individual concepts of two substances, a and b, do not allow us (or God) to distinguish the one from the other, then their individual concepts are not complete. That is, there must always be a reason, found within the complete individual concept of substances and issuing from the free decree of God, that a is discernible from b. And this fact points to another important fact about the interpretation suggested above: it is not only the case that each substance has a complete individual concept–the essence of the substance as it exists in the divine mind–but for every essence or complete individual concept there is one and only one substance in a world. (The argument here is essentially that which was given above in the section describing the relation between PSR and PII; namely, what reason could God have had for instantiating two substances with identical CICs?) Further, why should it be the case that substances can only arise naturally in God's creation of the world and end in his annihilation? If one takes quite literally Leibniz's claim that the CIC contains within it all predicates true of the substance past, present, and future, then one might be able to say that this must include truths extending back to the creation and forward either infinitely or to the end of time. This argument might be somewhat weak in itself, but it certainly would seem to follow from Leibniz's logical notion of substance and one of the other consequences, namely, that each substance is a mirror of the entire universe. If this is the case, then a substance, insofar as it is a mirror of the entire universe, must have within its complete individual concept predicates that extend back to creation and forward in time. At first glance, it is also not readily apparent merely from the CIC and doctrine of marks and traces why a substance cannot be constructed from two substances or be divided into two new substances. Let substance x have within its complete individual concept predicates g, h, i… which are true of it past, present and future. Suppose x were to be divided into xα and xβ. One might imagine that both new substances would have all of x's pre-division predicates in common and unique predicates thereafter. But the relevant part of Leibniz's logical notion of substance is that the CIC is sufficiently rich to allow us (or God) to deduce from it all predicates past, present and future. Leibniz's implicit suggestion is that the pre-division predicates would not allow the logical deduction of branching or divided substances. If g, h, i,… imply lα, mα, nα, they cannot also imply lβ, mβ, nβ. A similar argument works against the possibility of the fusion of two substances. Further, if we already grant PII, then it should be clear that the substance having within its CIC predicates g, h, i, … lα, mα, nα, and the substance having within its CIC predicates g, h, i, … lβ, mβ, nβ are numerically distinct substances and not simply one substance in its pre-division phase that has multiplied. Since substances can only naturally arise during God's creation of the world and since substances cannot undergo fusion or fission, it is obvious that the number of substances must remain constant. Finally, if it is the case that it is of the nature of a substance to have a notion so complete that one can deduce from it all its predicates past, present, and future and if substances exist from the creation of the world, then it would seem (relatively) natural to conclude that each substance contains within it a kind of story of the entire universe from its own particular perspective. While more will be said below, what Leibniz is suggesting here is a set of doctrines that he will develop in greater detail: the worlds apart doctrine, the mirroring (or expression) thesis, and the doctrine of universal harmony.

Another notable consequence of the logical conception of substance is the denial of the causal interaction of finite substances. This is clearest in Primary Truths (C 521/L 269/AG 33), where a very similar argument concerning the nature of substance is given. Not only is it the case, Leibniz claims, that genuine physical influx – the transfer of some property within one substance to a second substance – is inexplicable, but more important the logical conception of substance shows us that the reasons for any property that a substance may have are already contained within its CIC. In other words, every state of a substance is explained, grounded, or caused by its own notion or CIC. (Of course, the ground or reason for the existence or actuality of any particular substance is to be found in God and his free choice of worlds. A more detailed account of Leibniz's views on causation is available in the entry Leibniz on Causation.) As we shall see below, the denial of the causal interaction of substances forms an essential premise of Leibniz's argument for pre-established harmony.

4.2 Unity

If a finite substance is to have a CIC, as Leibniz claims in §8 of the Discourse on Metaphysics, what is its ontological status? That is, what kind of thing could have such a CIC or such a nature? Leibniz's answer to this question brings to the fore another paradigm of substancehood: unity. While it is the nature of an individual substance to have a CIC, only a genuine unity can qualify as a substance. Leibniz expresses his position in a letter to Arnauld in a very clear and forceful manner: “To put it briefly, I hold this identical proposition, differentiated only by the emphasis, to be an axiom, namely, that what is not truly one being is not truly one being either.” (G II 97/AG 86) In the period of the Discourse on Metaphysics and Correspondence with Arnauld, Leibniz appeals to certain Scholastic notions, chief among them, the notion of a substantial form. In later years, the Scholastic way of speaking fades away, but the fundamental idea remains the same: there must be something that guarantees or makes possible the unity of a substance, and this is the substantial form or the soul. The point Leibniz wants to make is that only a soul or a substantial form is the kind of thing that can be said to have or underlie a complete individual concept, for only a soul or substantial form is by its nature an imperishable unity. Leibniz makes this point very clear in another letter to Arnauld: “A substantial unity requires a thoroughly indivisible and naturally indestructible being, since its notion includes everything that will happen to it, something which can be found neither in shape nor in motion (both of which involve something imaginary, as I could demonstrate), but which can be found in a soul or substantial form, on the model of what is called me” (G II 76/AG 79). Thus, unity is the hallmark of a genuine substance, but equally important is Leibniz's paradigm case of a substance: the self. This thought underlies much of Leibniz's reflections on the nature of substance and has important consequences. For, following not only Descartes but also the entire Augustinian tradition, the “I” is essentially immaterial, a mind or a soul. Similarly, he writes in Primary Truths, “Something lacking extension is required for the substance of bodies, otherwise there would be no source [principium] for the reality of phenomena or for true unity… But since atoms are excluded, what remains is something lacking extension, analogous to the soul, which they once called form or species” (A VI iv 1648/AG 34). (Material atoms, as advocated by Democritus in the classical period and by Gassendi and others in the seventeenth century, are excluded, Leibniz thinks, because they violate PII; that is, two purely material atoms would seem to be qualitatively identical and yet distinct, which is impossible if one accepts PC, PSR, and the derivation of PII.)

Leibniz is not as clear as one would like him to be, for at this point in his career it is possible to read him as seeing that something is a substance so long as it has a soul or a substantial form, whereas later in his career it seems more clearly to be the case that the only substances are souls or soul-like entities, the monads. In other words, Leibniz can be interpreted as advocating, at least in this period, a kind of Aristotelian hylomorphism, in which substances are composites of matter and form. This has been the subject of debate in the field, but this entry cannot adjudicate the matter. (For more on this dispute, see Look 2010.)

Nevertheless, in declaring that a substance is necessarily indivisible, Leibniz renders it impossible for a body, or matter alone, to be a substance. Thus, Cartesian corporeal substance, the essence of which is simply extension, cannot exist as substance. Put differently, Leibniz's argument is that nothing that is divisible is a substance; a Cartesian chunk of matter is divisible; therefore, a Cartesian chunk of matter is not a substance. This points to the first part of Leibniz's critique of the Cartesianism mentioned above: namely, that according to Leibniz, Cartesian matter fails to have the unity required of a genuine substance. Indeed, in the Correspondence with Arnauld, Leibniz considers the case of a human body deprived of a soul and says the body, or cadaver, would not be a substance at all but merely an aggregate of substances. Moreover, anything lacking a substantial form or soul is not a substance, that is, if a thing is not truly “animated”, then it is only a true phenomenon. (G II 77/AG 80) It should be noted how strong Leibniz's claim is: he is arguing that Cartesian corporeal substances or any such chunks of matter are not real beings – at least not as real as simple substances. Aggregates of simple substances, therefore, have a different ontological status from simple substances.

The distinction between simple substances and aggregates becomes an important one in Leibniz's philosophy. To Arnauld, he writes the following: “I hold that philosophy cannot be better reestablished and reduced to something precise, than by recognizing only substances or complete beings endowed with a true unity, together with the different states that succeed one another; everything else is only phenomena, abstractions, or relations” (G II 101/AG 89). If this is the case, then aggregates of simple substances are merely phenomena and fail to have the reality of the underlying simples. Further, the bodies of natural philosophy, the bodies of the world we observe around us, would seem to be in some sense mere phenomena.

While some scholars of Leibniz's thought have suggested this, it does not get at the full story of Leibniz's metaphysical system. The distinction that Leibniz draws is one between a real unity and a phenomenal unity, or as he also puts it, between a unum per se and a unum per aggregationem. Leibniz's favorite comparison in the case of the latter is to a rainbow: bodies, for example, fail to have intrinsic unity, but we do represent them as being single and unified objects much as we represent a rainbow as being one thing when it is in fact merely the result of the refraction of light through innumerable water droplets. But just as the rainbow results from the presence of genuine unities, the water droplets (to continue the metaphor, even if this is not true when speaking with Leibniz in metaphysical rigor), so do the bodies of the natural world result from the genuine simple substances. Put differently, the simple substances ground the phenomena of bodies in the world. This relation between the phenomena and the underlying simple substances is what Leibniz means when he talks about “well-founded phenomena” [phenomena bene fundata]. But insofar as the bodies of the natural world are well-founded phenomena – that is, insofar as they are grounded in the simple substances – they are not simply phenomena as in Berkeley's philosophy. (This view is also not uncontroversial. To compare Leibniz with Berkeley, see the entry on Berkeley.)

4.3 Activity

The second part of Leibniz's critique of the Cartesian doctrine of corporeal substance relates to the notion of activity. According to Leibniz, substances are not only essentially unities, but also active. As he says in the opening line of the Principles of Nature and Grace: “A Substance is a being capable of action” (G VI 598/AG 207). But Cartesian corporeal substance, insofar as its essence is extension, cannot be itself a source of activity. (G IV 510/AG 161) There are at least two strands to Leibniz's argument on this point. First, Leibniz holds that this is so because he adheres to the classical and Scholastic idea that actions pertain to supposita; that is, only something that can be the subject of predication can be active, and only true unities can be genuine subjects of predication (and not mere phenomena). Put differently, Cartesian extended stuff cannot, insofar as it is infinitely divisible, constitute a suppositum, or subject of predication. But, second, Leibniz believes that something is active if and only if the source of its activity can arise within itself, that is, if and only if its activity arises spontaneously from within itself. This is another reason, then, that individual substances will be understood as mind-like, for Leibniz believes that only minds or mind-like things can originate and alter their modifications.

In saying that substances are essentially active, Leibniz means that they are endowed with forces. More precisely, according to Leibniz, “the very substance of things consists in a force for acting and being acted upon,” (G IV 508/AG 159) that is, each simple substance is endowed with what Leibniz calls primitive active and passive powers. The idea here again sounds Aristotelian: a substance has a certain essentially active component, the soul or substantial form or first entelechy, and a passive component, primary matter. In Leibniz's mature account, the primitive active force is “an inherent law, impressed by divine decree,” that is, it is the law of unfolding or the law of the series of the simple substance. As he puts it in a letter to De Volder, “I think that it is obvious that primitive forces can be nothing but the internal strivings [tendentia] of simple substances, strivings by means of which they pass from perception to perception in accordance with a certain law of their nature, and at the same time harmonize with one another, representing the same phenomena of the universe in different ways, something that must necessarily arise from a common cause” (G II 275/AG 181). Since simple substances are minds, their modifications are representations or perceptions, and the activity of the simple substance will relate to the change or succession of its perceptions. One way to think of this is that each substance has a unique series of perceptions programmed by God to play in harmony with all other substances, and the internal tendency of a substance to move from perception to perception is its active force, or what Leibniz also calls appetite or appetition.

4.4 Pre-established Harmony

While separate entries detail Leibniz's account of causation and his account of the mind, it will still be useful to provide a short exegesis of Leibniz's celebrated solution to the mind-body problem which Leibniz had inherited from Descartes and his followers. The problem, briefly, is this: if mind is essentially thought (and nothing else), and body is essentially extension, then how can mind and body interact or form a unity as we know from experience they must? Or how do thinking substance and extended substance unite in the substance of a human being? Leibniz answers this question by, first, denying the possibility of the causal interaction of finite substances. In this way, Leibniz undermines Cartesian dualism because it takes as a premise the idea that mind-body interaction is to be explained by the influence of the one on the other via the pineal gland. (See the Sixth Meditation: AT VII 86–87/CSM II 59–60) But Leibniz also saw pre-established harmony as an account of the mind-body relation that avoided the difficulties inherent in Occasionalist theories of the mind and the interaction of substances. In one of Leibniz's best-known metaphors, he asks his readers to imagine the mind and body as two pendula hanging from a beam. Whence comes their agreement? One could imagine that the motion of the one is communicated through the wooden beam to the other, thus causing them eventually to swing harmoniously (the theory of influx). Or one could imagine that God intervenes and moves the pendula, guaranteeing their synchronicity (the theory of occasionalism). Or, Leibniz says, one could imagine that God, the supreme artificer, created the world (and the pendula) so perfectly that, by their own natures, they would swing in perfect harmony. Naturally, it is this last thesis that Leibniz endorses and asks his readers to endorse as well. (See, for example, the Postscript of a Letter to Basnage de Beauval (G IV 498–500/AG 147–49).)

More precisely, Leibniz argues that God created the world so perfectly that each substance acts according to its own law of unfolding and is at the same time in perfect harmony with all others substances; further, that the mind has a distinct point of view of the world by virtue of its being the center of some mass (body), and that the law of unfolding of the mind is in accord with the laws of the corporeal machine. He puts this most succinctly in his 1695 essay, A New System of Nature, in which he effectively presents a five-step argument for pre-established harmony:

(1) “[T]here is no real influence of one created substance on another.” (G IV 483/AG 143)
(2) “God originally created the soul (and any other real unity) in such a way that everything must arise for it from its own depths [fonds], through perfect spontaneity relative to itself, and yet with a perfect conformity relative to external things.” (G IV 484/AG 143)
(3) “This is what makes every substance represent the whole universe exactly and in its own way, from a certain point of view, and makes the perceptions or expressions of external things occur in the soul at a given time, in virtue of its own laws, as if in a world apart, and as if there existed only God and itself.” (G IV 484/AG 143)
(4) “[T]he organized mass, in which the point of view of the soul lies, being expressed more closely by the soul, is in turn ready to act by itself, following the laws of the corporeal machine, at the moment when the soul wills it to act, without disturbing the laws of the other – the spirits and blood then having exactly the motions that they need to respond to the passions and perceptions of the soul.” (G IV 484/AG 144)
(5) “It is this mutual relation, regulated in advance in each substance of the universe, which produces what we call their communication, and which alone brings about the union of soul and body.” (G IV 484–85/AG 144)

Now, when Leibniz speaks in metaphysical rigor, he denies the underlying premise of Cartesian dualism: body is not a substance; so there can be no question of how it qua substance interacts with or is related to the mind, or thinking substance. Nevertheless, Leibniz was able to express his view for the vulgar – that is, for those expecting a Cartesian metaphysics – by saying that the mind and body can be said to form a union and interact insofar as the mind follows its laws, the body follows its laws, and they are in perfect harmony. The body and soul are not united to each other in the sense that Descartes had suggested, but the perceptions and appetitions of the soul will arise spontaneously from its own stores and will correspond to the actions of the body as well as to the events of the world. In other words, while the perceptions and appetitions of the mind or soul will be independent of the body, they will nevertheless correspond precisely to the actions of the particular body to which it is attached and be in perfect conformity with all the other substances of the world.

On Leibniz's view, to individual substances there belong only perceptions and appetitions, and these perceptions and appetitions can be understood to form a series within the individual substance. In other words, every individual substance can be thought to have a set of perceptions and appetitions such that one could say that, at any given time, a particular substance was experiencing such-and-such a perception and such-and-such an appetition. Indeed, Leibniz's view is that a given substance, x, has, within its individual concept, information of the following sort: x at time t1 will have perception1 and/or appetition1x at t2 will have perception2 and/or appetition2; and so on. (In fact, the position is more complex; for, as will be shown in a subsequent section, the mind has at any moment an infinity of petites perceptions within it, perceptions of everything that is occurring in the universe, but the human mind at least will be truly aware of one thing at a time. For example, the reader of this article could be said to have a temporally-ordered series of perceptions – with t1 corresponding to the first sentence, t2 the second sentence, etc. – and also “background noise” of which the reader is not directly aware – for example, the sound of an ambulance's siren gradually approaching and retreating from t1 to t3.) Moreover, the series of perceptions and appetitions are generated from within the individual substance itself. That is, Leibniz speaks as if perceptions and appetitions follow naturally from prior perceptions and appetitions – and it is in this respect, after all, that a finite individual substance is causally independent from all other finite created substances.

The crucial idea is that the body will follow its own laws, the mind its own laws, and there will be no true influence between the two. The mind and body thus seem to constitute, as it were, worlds apart, as indeed Leibniz claims later when he explains the world in terms of monads, and these worlds apart are, according to Leibniz, unified solely by virtue of the correspondence of their actions and perceptions. Further, to these separate realms there will apply two distinct means of explaining the events of the world: we may explain things according to the final causes of the mind or according to the efficient causes of the body or of bodies in general. Thus, not only do the mind and body each seem to follow a different set of laws, but the world, according to Leibniz, can be described in terms of either set of laws.

4.5 Efficient and Final Causes and the Kingdoms of Nature and Grace

Leibniz's account of the pre-established harmony of mind and body is part of a more general position in his metaphysics: the existence of parallel modes of explanation. As we saw above, Leibniz believes that the mind will act according to its laws and the body according to its laws and the two will be in harmony. But Leibniz also believes that the mind or soul operates for particular ends and that therefore its actions are explicable in terms of final causes, whereas the actions of the body, purely instances of matter in motion according to the claims of the mechanical philosophy, are to be explained in terms of efficient causes. As he puts it in the Monadology §§79 and 81,

Souls act according to the laws of final causes, through appetitions, ends, and means. Bodies act according to the laws of efficient causes or of motions. And these two kingdoms, that of efficient causes and that of final causes, are in harmony with each other.

According to this system, bodies act as if there were no souls (though this is impossible); and souls act as if there were no bodies; and both act as if each influenced the other. (G VI 620–21/AG 223)

In the realm of natural philosophy, Leibniz will say clearly that “all corporeal phenomena can be derived from efficient and mechanical causes,” though there are final causes (or “higher reasons”) that underlie them. (See Specimen Dynamicum: GM VI 242/AG 126) But Leibniz pushes the parallelism even further:

In general, we must hold that everything in the world can be explained in two ways: through the kingdom of power, that is, through efficient causes, and through the kingdom of wisdom, that is, through final causes, through God, governing bodies for his glory, like an architect, governing them as machines that follow the laws of size or mathematics, governing them, indeed, for the use of souls, and through God governing for his glory souls capable of wisdom, governing them as his fellow citizens, members with him of a certain society, governing them like a prince, indeed like a father, through laws of goodness or moral laws. (GM VI 243/AG 126)

Though Leibniz speaks here of the kingdoms of power and wisdom, the two-tiered explanatory approach – the phenomena of the natural world explained through efficient causes and the actions of the mind explained through final causes – leads to the distinction between what he more commonly calls the kingdom of nature and the kingdom of grace. (See Monadology §87) Thus, on Leibniz's view, we can understand the world as if designed by God, the perfect engineer or architect, and we can also understand the world as if ordered and guided by God, the supreme monarch, who is concerned solely with the happiness of his subjects.

5. Metaphysics: Leibnizian Idealism

5.1 Monads and the World of Phenomena

Thus far we have seen that Leibniz rejected the Cartesian account of matter, according to which matter, the essence of which is extension, could be considered a substance. Leibniz held instead that only beings endowed with true unity and capable of action can count as substances. The ultimate expression of Leibniz's view comes in his celebrated theory of monads, in which the only beings that will count as genuine substances and hence be considered real are mind-like simple substances endowed with perception and appetite. What was said above concerning the unity and activity of simple substance should suffice to explain Leibniz's reasons for holding such a position. Now a fuller version of Leibniz's idealism must be presented.

According to Leibniz, if the only genuinely real beings are mind-like simple substances, then bodies, motion, and everything else must result from or be derivative of those simple substances and their perceptual states. In a typical statement of his idealism, Leibniz says, “I don't really eliminate body, but reduce [revoco] it to what it is. For I show that corporeal mass [massa], which is thought to have something over and above simple substances, is not a substance, but a phenomenon resulting from simple substances, which alone have unity and absolute reality” (G II 275/AG 181). Yet, this position, denying the reality of bodies and asserting that monads are the grounds of all corporeal phenomena, as well as its metaphysical corollaries has shocked many. Bertrand Russell, for example, famously remarked in the Preface to his book on Leibniz that he felt that “the Monadology was a kind of fantastic fairy tale, coherent perhaps, but wholly arbitrary.” And, in perhaps the wittiest and most biting rhetorical question asked of Leibniz, Voltaire gibes, “Can you really believe that a drop of urine is an infinity of monads, and that each of these has ideas, however obscure, of the universe as a whole?” (Oeuvres complètes, Vol. 22, p. 434) Well, if you are Leibniz, you can. But how so?

5.2 Panorganicism and Idealism

When Leibniz argues that bodies are the results of monads and that matter itself is a phenomenon, he has something very specific in mind. First, in Leibniz's system there is a special kind of order in the natural world corresponding to a hierarchy of monads. Consider first a well-known comment that Leibniz makes to De Volder, introducing a five-fold ontological scheme: “I distinguish: (1) the primitive entelechy or soul; (2) the matter, namely, the primary matter or primitive passive power; (3) the monad made up of these two things; (4) the mass [massa] or secondary matter, or the organic machine in which innumerable subordinate monads come together; and (5) the animal, that is, the corporeal substance, which the dominating monad makes into one machine” (G II 252/AG 177). One of the points Leibniz is making here is that in an animal there is a dominant monad that bears a special relation to all the monads subordinate to it that make the “organic machine” of that animal. But, ultimately, the picture is even more complex than this, for each of the subordinate monads can be considered as having an organic machine attached to it, and this relation continues on to the infinitely small. Thus, for example, Leibniz writes in the Monadology §70, “Thus we see that each living body has a dominant entelechy, which in the animal is the soul; but the limbs of this living body are full of other living beings, plants, animals, each of which also has its entelechy, or its dominant soul” (G VI 619/AG 222). Similarly, in a letter to Bierling, he writes, “Any mass contains innumerable monads, for although any one organic body in nature has its corresponding [dominant] monad, it nevertheless contains in its parts other monads endowed in the same way with organic bodies subservient to the primary one; and the whole of nature is nothing else, for it is necessary that every aggregate result from simple substances as if from elements” (G VII 502). In other words, each monad will have an organic body which is in turn composed of other monads, each of which likewise has an organic body. Similarly, any seemingly inanimate chunk of matter – a stone or, yes, a drop of urine – will be the result of an infinity of monads and their organic bodies, which are nothing more than more monads and their organic bodies. This view is associated with a panorganicist strand of Leibniz's thought. And it is for this reason that Leibniz will claim that “all of nature is full of life” (Principles of Nature and Grace §1: G VI 598/AG 207) and that “there are infinite degrees of life in the monads” (Principles of Nature and Grace §4: G VI 599/AG 208).

Second, there is what can best be described as a genuinely idealist strand of Leibniz's thought. That is, if idealism is the thesis that the only things that truly exist are minds and their ideas, then Leibniz clearly espouses this doctrine. Here the operative idea is that bodies, and in particular the bodies associated with particular minds, are intentional objects – though they result from or are grounded in monads. This is what Leibniz is getting at in the following passage from another letter to De Volder: “considering the matter carefully, we must say that there is nothing in things but simple substances, and in them, perception and appetition. Moreover, matter and motion are not substances or things as much as they are the phenomena of perceivers, the reality of which is situated in the harmony of the perceivers with themselves (at different times) and with other perceivers” (G II 270/AG 181). Thus, the only real things are simple substances; the bodies that we perceive in motion around us are phenomena and not themselves substances, though they are grounded ultimately in simple substances or monads. Furthermore, the bodies of the natural world ought be considered intentional objects in that they are objects about which we have certain beliefs. This is what Leibniz means in saying that they have reality insofar as there is a harmony between perceivers or between the same perceivers' beliefs or perceptions at different times. In other words, one's body or even a stone is real because it is an object of perception that fits into an account of the world that is both coherent from the point of view of the single perceiver and in harmony with the perceptions of other minds.

5.3 Perspective and Divine Emanation

Still Leibniz's version of idealism tends to produce confusion precisely because of these two strands: the commitment to the “embodiment” of monads along with the rejection of the reality of bodies; the view that monads are not spatial but have a point of view. Leibniz's point, however, is that, while monads are not extended, they do have a situation insofar as they bear an ordered relation to other bodies through the body in which they are present or through the body to which they represent themselves as being attached. (G II 253/AG 178) In other words, in the Leibnizian monadology, simple substances are mind-like entities that do not, strictly speaking, exist in space but that represent the universe from a unique perspective.

Leibniz's conception of such a perspectival universe has, however, a distinctively Platonist origin. Again, each mind-like simple substance represents itself as having a body and a position relative to other bodies, but in doing so each simple substance offers a perspective on the world for the divine mind. This idea comes out very clearly in the Discourse on Metaphysics §14, where Leibniz writes the following:

Now, first of all, it is very evident that created substances depend upon God, who preserves them and who even produces them continually by a kind of emanation, just as we produce our thoughts. For God, so to speak, turns on all sides and in all ways the general system of phenomena which he finds it good to produce in order to manifest his glory, and he views all the faces of the world in all ways possible, since there is no relation that escapes his omniscience. The result of each view of the universe, as seen from a certain position, is a substance which expresses the universe in conformity with this view, should God see fit to render his thought actual and to produce this substance. (A VI iv 1549–50/AG 46–47)

This is a striking passage. Leibniz is telling us that each finite substance is the result of a different perspective that God can take of the universe and that each created substance is an emanation of God. The argument here can be expressed in several different ways. First, since God could occupy any and all points of view of the universe, there must be a simple substance to represent the world from that perspective. (And since the simple substance must have representations of its unique perspective, it must be a mind-like substance, a monad, capable of having perceptions.) Second, and stronger, God's omniscience entails knowledge of the world from every perspective simultaneously, and the infinite perspectives of the world originating from God's nature simply are monads.

5.4 Monadic Hierarchies

If the only things that truly exist are mind-like entities, monads, then the differences between them must be explicable in terms of mental features. Now, it was stated above that a central feature of Leibniz's account of substance was his claim that substances are endowed with active and passive forces. In his mature metaphysics, Leibniz expresses this view somewhat differently by saying that a substance is active insofar as it has distinct perceptions and passive insofar as it has confused perceptions. Thus, for example, in §49 of the Monadology, Leibniz writes that, “we attribute action to a monad insofar as it has distinct perceptions, and passion, insofar as it has confused perceptions” (G VI 615/AG 219). But, as we learn later in the same work, “Monads all go confusedly to infinity, to the whole; but they are limited and differentiated by the degrees of their distinct perceptions” (G VI 617/AG 221). The fundamental idea here is two-fold: first, activity and passivity are features of the relative clarity and distinctness of the representations of the monad, and, second, insofar as the organic bodies of a particular monad are themselves constituted by monads, they – the monads of the organic body – will have confused perceptions. This chain goes down to the infinitely small, with monads having only very confused and inexact perceptions of the world.

Since there is a hierarchy among monads within any animal, from the soul of a person down to the infinitely small monad, the relation of domination and subordination among monads is a crucial feature of both Leibniz's idealism and his panorganicism. But the hierarchy of substances is not simply one of containment, in which one monad has an organic body which is the result of other monads, each of which has an organic body, and so on. In the case of animals (brutes and human beings), the hierarchy of monads is also related to the control of the “machine of nature” (as Leibniz had put it in a letter to De Volder considered above). What is it then that explains the relation of dominant and subordinate monads? As Leibniz tells Des Bosses, domination and subordination consists of degrees of perfection. Since monads are to be differentiated in terms of their perceptions, one natural reading would simply be that suggested in the paragraph above: monad x is dominant over monad y when x has clearer perceptions than y. But, if we follow the description of the appearance of causal interaction that we find in the Monadology (§§49–51), we can get a slightly more sophisticated picture. Monad x is dominant over monad y when x contains within it reasons for the actions of y. This is why the mind of an animal can be said to direct the actions of its body, and why, for example, there will be a hierarchy of functionality within any one animal. Thus, one's mind has clearer perceptions than those contained in the monads of its organic body, but it contains the reasons for everything that happens in one's body; one's liver contains the reasons for what happens in its cells; a cell contains the reasons for what happens in its mitochondria; and, according to Leibniz, this relation continues infinitely on down.

6. Epistemology

Leibniz's reflections on epistemological matters do not rival his reflections on logic, metaphysics, divine justice, and natural philosophy in terms of quantity. Nevertheless, he did think deeply about the possibility and nature of human knowledge, and his main doctrines will be presented here.

6.1 “Meditations on Knowledge, Truth, and Ideas”

In 1684, Leibniz published a short treatise with the above title. It was his first mature publication and one to which he often referred in the course of his philosophical career. In it, Leibniz sets out a series of distinctions for human knowledge or cognition (cognitio): knowledge is either obscure or clear; clear knowledge is either confused or distinct; distinct knowledge is either inadequate or adequate; and adequate knowledge is either symbolic or intuitive. Now, according to Leibniz, clear knowledge means being able to recognize something that is represented to us, for example, a rose; and knowledge is both clear and distinct when one can enumerate marks sufficient to distinguish a rose from other things. When one can give such an enumeration, one possesses a distinct notion or concept and is thus able to give a nominal definition of the thing. Further, if all the marks that form part of a distinct notion are themselves distinctly known, then the cognition is adequate. And, finally, if a notion is complex and we are able to consider all its component notions simultaneously, then our knowledge of it is intuitive. Ultimately, Leibniz holds that human beings have intuitive knowledge only of primary notions and propositions, whereas God, of course, has intuitive knowledge of all things.

Leibniz believes his distinctions also serve to show the difference between true and false ideas. “An idea is true,” he writes, “when its notion is possible and false when it includes a contradiction” (A VI iv 589/AG 26). Now, possibility can be established a priori and a posteriori. On the one hand, we can know a priori that something is possible if we can resolve it into its component notions which are themselves possible and if we know that there is no incompatibility among those component notions. On the other hand, we know a posteriori that something is possible merely through experience, for the actual existence of a thing is proof of its possibility.

6.2 Truths of Reason and Truths of Fact

While Leibniz's Principle of Contradiction and Principle of Sufficient Reason were discussed above, it was not mentioned that these two principles are employed in the service of Leibniz's distinction between truths of reasoning and truths of fact, that is, between necessary truths and contingent truths. Leibniz's account of modality is treated elsewhere, but a short account of this distinction is here required. In the case of a truth of reasoning, its reason or explanation can be discovered by analysis of the notions or concepts, “resolving it into simpler ideas and simpler truths until we reach the primitives” (G VI 612/AG 217). Ultimately, all truths of reasoning will be resolvable into primitives or identities, and the Principle of Contradiction is thereby operative. In the case of a truth of fact, on the other hand, its reason cannot be discovered through a finite process of analysis or resolution of notions. However, there must be a reason that some particular fact is so and not otherwise (PSR), and, according to Leibniz, this reason is found outside the series of contingent things. (See below.)

6.3 Innate Ideas

Leibniz is often put in the camp of rationalists and opposed to the empiricists (for example, Locke, Berkeley, and Hume). While there are good grounds to be unhappy with this standard textbook distinction, Leibniz does fit the bill in two important respects: he is a rationalist insofar as he holds to the Principle of Sufficient Reason, and he is a rationalist insofar as he accepts innate ideas and denies that the mind is at birth a tabula rasa or blank slate. In terms of Leibniz's classical allegiances, it is interesting to see that in the realm of metaphysics, he often couched his philosophy in Aristotelian (and Scholastic) terms but that in the realm of epistemology, he was a fairly open Platonist – at least in terms of the existence of innate ideas. Indeed, in the opening passages of his New Essays on Human Understanding, his book-length commentary on Locke's Essay Concerning Human Understanding, Leibniz explicitly aligns himself with Plato on the fundamental question of the origin of ideas. (A VI vi 48/RB 48)

Leibniz has several straightforwardly metaphysical reasons for denying that the mind could be a tabula rasa. First, and most obvious, since there can be no genuine causal interaction among substances, then there could be no way that all our ideas could come from experience; indeed, no ideas could, strictly speaking, come from experience. (Leibniz will, however, adopt a more liberal understanding of sense experience, so that this is not mooted tout court.) But, second, and rarely remarked upon, Leibniz believes that the view that our minds are blank slates at birth violates the Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles. In short, PII works against qualitatively identical physical atoms and against qualitatively identical (because blank) souls. Further, in one telling passage, he shows us the metaphysical underpinnings of the empiricist view that he finds so objectionable. He writes, “Experience is necessary, I admit, if the soul is to be given such and such thoughts, and if it is to take heed of the ideas that are within us. But how could experience and the senses provide the ideas? Does the soul have windows? Is it similar to writing-tablets, or like wax? Clearly, those who take this view of the soul are treating it as fundamentally corporeal” (A VI vi 110/RB 110). Locke famously entertained the possibility of “thinking matter”, and Leibniz found such a thesis abhorrent. Throughout his career, Leibniz expresses no doubt that the human mind or soul is essentially immaterial, and Locke's skepticism about the nature of substance is fundamentally at odds with Leibniz's most deeply held philosophical commitments. But, of course, the consequence of this is that Leibniz seeks to undermine Locke's position with respect to the origin and nature of ideas. That the mind, according to Leibniz, must be essentially immaterial has been shown above in the section on metaphysics. But Leibniz does have a particular argument for the mind's immateriality or against its mechanism that concerns the nature of thought and ideas. This is his famous metaphor of a mill, which comes forth both in the New Essays and the Monadology. According to Leibniz, perceptions cannot be explained in mechanical or materialistic terms. Even if one were to create a machine to which one attributes thought and the presence of perceptions, inspection of the interior of this machine would not show the experience of thoughts or perceptions, only the motions of various parts.

But even when Leibniz accepts the common way of speaking – that is, as if the senses are causally responsible for some ideas – he has arguments against the empiricist claim that the senses are the origin of all ideas. According to Leibniz, while the empiricist position can explain the source of contingent truths, it cannot adequately explain the origin and character of necessary truths. For the senses could never arrive at the universality of any necessary truth; they can, at best, provide us with the means of making a relatively strong induction. Rather, it is the understanding itself, Leibniz claims, which is the source of such truths and which guarantees their very necessity. While we are not aware of all our ideas at any time – a fact demonstrated by the function and role of memory – certain ideas or truths are in our minds as dispositions or tendencies. This is what is meant by an innate idea or an innate truth. Indeed, Leibniz believes that the mind has a “special affinity” for necessary truths. On this subject, Leibniz uses a distinctive metaphor: a piece of marble has veins that indicate or are disposed to indicate shapes that a skillful sculptor can discover and exploit. Similarly, there is a “disposition, an aptitude, a preformation, which determines our soul and brings it about that [necessary truths] are derivable from it” (A VI vi 80/RB 80).

6.4 Apperception, Memory, and Reason

The hierarchy of monads mentioned above has a corollary in Leibniz's epistemology. Monads are more or less perfect depending upon the clarity of their perceptions, and a monad is dominant over another when the one contains reasons for what happens in the other. But some monads can also rise to the level of souls when, for example, they experience sensations, that is, when their perceptions are very distinct and accompanied by memory. This is a position occupied by animals. Furthermore, some souls are sometimes also in a position to engage in apperception, that is, to reflect on their inner states or perceptions. As Leibniz tells us in the Principles of Nature and Grace, “it is good to distinguish between perception, which is the internal state of the monad representing external things, and apperception, which is consciousness, or the reflective knowledge of this internal state, something not given to all souls, nor at all times to a given soul” (G VI 600/AG 208). The point that Leibniz wants to make is clearly an anti-Cartesian one: it is not the case that animals lack souls and are mere machines. There is a continuum here from God, angels, and human beings through animals to stones and the dull monads which underlie the muck and grime of the world; and this continuum is not solely to be understood in terms of the comparative clarity of the mind's perceptions but also in terms of the kinds of mental activity possible for a particular being. Indeed, according to Leibniz, animals operate not as mere automata as they do in the Cartesian philosophy, but rather have fairly sophisticated mental faculties. Even a dog, for example, is capable, by virtue of its memory, of having a perception of a prior perception: “[t]hat is why a dog runs away from the stick with which he was beaten, because his memory represents to him the pain which the stick caused him” (G VI 600/AG 208). While this resembles reasoning, it is not the kind of reasoning that human beings are capable of; for the mental processes of the dog are “only founded in the memory of facts or effects, and not at all in the knowledge of causes” (ibid.). At the same time, Leibniz is quick to add that the mental activity of the dog is the same as the mental activity of human beings in three fourths of their actions, for most of us most of the time are not actually reasoning from causes to effects. And yet we are different from the beasts, Leibniz believes. Some creatures are capable of knowing the necessary and eternal truths of logic and mathematics and a priori truths (from cause to effect), and they “are properly called rational animals, and their souls are called minds.” (G VI 601/AG 209) As Leibniz says, “These souls are capable of performing reflective acts, and capable of considering what is called ”I“, substance, soul, mind – in brief, immaterial things and immaterial truths. And that is what makes us capable of the sciences of demonstrative knowledge” (ibid.). Thus, what makes human beings (and higher minds) special is the capacity, via apperception, to formulate a conception of the self. Indeed, as we see in this passage, Leibniz suggests that rationality itself follows from the capacity for reflection: we begin with a conception of the self; we move from this point to thinking of being, of substance, of God; and we become aware as well of eternal and necessary truths. Rationality, however, is really only the ability to form “indubitable connection[s] of ideas” and to follow them to their “infallible consequences” (ibid.). In other words, animals and most human beings most of the time are purely empiricists; a rational person, however, is one who can engage in genuine a priori reasoning, moving from knowledge of a true cause via deduction to necessary effects.

6.5 Petites Perceptions

One of the fundamental theses of Leibniz's philosophy is that each substance expresses the entire universe. In order to incorporate this thesis into his general epistemology and philosophy of mind, Leibniz develops his account of “petites perceptions” or “minute perceptions” mentioned briefly in the section on pre-established harmony. As he puts it in the Preface to the New Essays, “at every moment there is in us an infinity of perceptions, unaccompanied by awareness or reflection; that is, of alterations in the soul itself, of which we are unaware because these impressions are either too minute and too numerous, or else too unvarying, so that they are not sufficiently distinctive on their own” (A VI vi 53/RB 53). In other words, everything that takes place in the universe really is expressed by each finite mind, but the infinite perceptions present in the mind – from the butterfly's flight in the Amazonian jungle to the penguin's waddling in Antarctica – are usually too minute or too indistinct to outweigh, for example, the appearance of this computer screen or the feeling of hunger. Indeed, this infinity of perceptions is likened by Leibniz to the roar of the sea. “To hear this noise as we do,” Leibniz says, “we must hear the parts which make up this whole, that is the noise of each wave, although each of these little noises makes itself known only when combined confusedly with all the others, and would not be noticed if the wave which made it were by itself” (A VI vi 54/RB 54). The infinity of petites perceptions is, then, simply epistemological white noise.

For Leibniz, the simplicity and unity of the mind still allows for the multiplicity of perceptions and appetitions. The multiplicity, however, should not only be interpreted as diachronous but also synchronous; that is, the mind despite its simplicity and unity has within it at any time an infinity of different petites perceptions. A human being, in a waking state, is conscious of particular perceptions, but never all. And here we see that Leibniz's doctrine is important, insofar as it offers a contrast to the Cartesian theory of the mind. According to Leibniz, the mind is always active, for there are always perceptions present to it, even if those perceptions are minute and do not rise to such a level that we are cognizant of them. Thus, even in a deep and dreamless sleep, the mind is active, and perceptions are in the mind. Moreover, if Descartes really did advocate the perfect transparency of the mind, then it should be clear that Leibniz allows for a subtler picture of mental contents: there are many things in the mind that are confused and minute and to which we do not always have complete access.

6.6 The Extent of Human Knowledge

Leibniz, however, does not simply disagree with Locke about the nature of the mind and the possibility of innate ideas. It is also Leibniz's contention that human beings are capable of knowledge in a way that Locke had clearly denied. As shown above, Leibniz is convinced that our knowledge of necessary truths has a completely different foundation from that for which Locke argues. Similarly, Leibniz holds that we can have genuine knowledge of the real essences of things, something called into question by Locke. After all, Locke had argued that we ought to admit that “essence” is really just a word that we use to describe “nominal essence,” a set of sortal concepts based upon sensible qualities; we ought not to act as if “essence” means anything about the real or inner constitution of a thing, for we will remain ignorant of that. Leibniz, however, holds that we can know certain things not only about individuals but also about their species and genera. In Book IV of the New Essays, in which Philalethes – the Locke character – gives his critique of the possibility of our certain knowledge about substances qua natural kinds, Theophilus (Leibniz) says, “[L]et me tell you that there are, for example, hundreds of truths that we can be certain of concerning gold, i.e. that body whose inner essence reveals itself through the greatest weight known here on earth, or through the greatest ductility or by other marks. For we can say that the body with the greatest known ductility is also the heaviest of all known bodies” (A VI vi 400/RB 400). Earlier in the New Essays, Leibniz had said that “essence is fundamentally nothing but the possibility of the thing under consideration” (A VI vi 293/RB 293) and “essences are everlasting because they only concern possibilities” (A VI vi 296/RB 296). It would seem, then, that Leibniz has something like the following in mind: experience informs us of a certain consistent set of sensible properties in, for example, gold; that is, a certain set of properties is compossible. And, more important, we ought to be able to assert with certainty that if some object has the greatest ductility, then it also has the greatest weight.

7. Philosophical Theology

Like most of his great contemporaries (Descartes, Spinoza, Malebranche), Leibniz developed a number of arguments for the existence of God. Two of these are presented in condensed versions in the Monadology §§36–45, as a priori and a posteriori arguments (or ontological and cosmological arguments, to borrow Kant's terminology). But they have long histories in Leibniz's thought. Yet, unlike Descartes and Spinoza at least, Leibniz also expended great efforts in explaining and justifying God's justice and benevolence in this world. In other words, Leibniz was keen to answer the problem of evil. His work on this subject led to his thesis, so roundly mocked in Voltaire's Candide, that we live in the best of all possible worlds.

7.1 The Existence of God

7.1.1 The Ontological Argument

Leibniz made an important contribution to the history of the ontological argument. His reflections on this form of argument go back to the 1670s, and we know that he shared his thoughts on this matter with Spinoza when Leibniz visited him on the way to Hanover. According to Leibniz, the argument that Descartes gives implicitly in the Fifth Meditation and explicitly in the First Set of Replies is faulty. Descartes had argued that God is a being having all perfections, existence is a perfection, therefore, God exists. (AT VII 118–19/CSM II 84–85) But, Leibniz thinks, one needs to show that it is possible for such a being to exist, that is, that it is possible for all perfections to co-exist in one being. If this is so, then and only then an ens perfectissimum can be said to exist. In his short essay That a Most Perfect Being Exists (Quod ens perfectissimum existit) from 1676, Leibniz argues just this. He defines a “perfection” as a “simple quality which is positive and absolute, or, which expresses without any limits whatever it does express” (A VI iii 578/SR 101). And with this definition in hand, Leibniz is then able to claim that there can be no inconsistency among perfections, since a perfection, in being simple and positive, is unanalyzable and incapable of being enclosed by limits. That is, if A and B are perfections, then the proposition “A and B are incompatible” cannot be demonstrated because A and B are simples, nor can the proposition be known per se. Therefore, it is possible that any and all perfections are in fact compatible. And, therefore, Leibniz reasons, a subject of all perfections, or an ens perfectissimum, is indeed possible.

But this argument by itself is not sufficient to determine that God necessarily exists. Leibniz must also show that existence is itself a perfection, so that a being having all perfections, an ens perfectissimum, may be said to exist. More exactly, Leibniz needs to show that necessary existence belongs to the essence of God. And this he does in another short piece from this period, writing “Again, a necessary being is the same as a being from whose essence existence follows. For a necessary being is one which necessarily exists, such that for it not to exist would imply a contradiction, and so would conflict with the concept or essence of this being” (A VI iii 583/SR 107). In other words, if it is the case that a necessary being is the same thing as a being whose existence follows from its essence, then existence must in fact be one of its essential properties. Leibniz continues in this short reflection, “And so existence belongs to its concept or essence. From this we have a splendid theorem, which is the pinnacle of modal theory and by which one moves in a wonderful way from potentiality to act: If a necessary being is possible, it follows that it exists actually, or, that such a being is actually found in the universe” (A VI iii 583/SR 107). The “pinnacle of Modal Theory” that Leibniz mentions here is none other than one of the notorious axioms of the modal logic S5: ◊□p → □p. In short, Leibniz's argument is the following:

(1) God is a being having all perfections. (Definition)
(2) A perfection is a simple and absolute property. (Definition)
(3) Existence is a perfection.
(4) If existence is part of the essence of a thing, then it is a necessary being.
(5) If it is possible for a necessary being to exist, then a necessary being does exist.
(6) It is possible for a being to have all perfections.
(7) Therefore, a necessary being (God) does exist.

It should be noted that Leibniz's argument bears a certain affinity with the ontological argument that Gödel gives, insofar as it also seeks to demonstrate the possibility of a being having all simple, positive properties. (For Gödel's argument, see the entry on ontological arguments.)

7.1.2 The Cosmological Argument

As we have seen, the Principle of Sufficient Reason is one of the bedrock principles of all of Leibniz's philosophy. In the Monadology, Leibniz appeals to PSR, saying that even in the case of contingent truths or truths of fact there must be a sufficient reason why they are so and not otherwise. (Monadology §36) But, since each particular truth of fact is contingent upon some other (prior) truth of fact, the reason for the entire series of truths must be located outside the series, and this ultimate reason is what we call God. (Monadology §37)

In the Theodicy, Leibniz fills out this argument with a fascinating account of the nature of God. First, insofar as the first cause of the entire series must have been able to survey all other possible worlds, it has understanding. Second, insofar as it was able to select one world among the infinity of possible worlds, it has a will. Third, insofar as it was able to bring about this world, it has power. (Leibniz adds here that “power relates to being, wisdom or understanding to truth, and will to good.”) Fourth, insofar as the first cause relates to all possibles, its understanding, will and power are infinite. And, fifth, insofar as everything is connected together, there is no reason to suppose more than one God. Thus, Leibniz is able to demonstrate the uniqueness of God, his omniscience, omnipotence, and benevolence from the twin assumptions of the contingency of the world and the Principle of Sufficient Reason. (Theodicy §7: G VI 106–07/H 127–28) Naturally, if one were deny the existence of possible worlds in the sense conceived by Leibniz or deny PSR (by, say, admitting “brute facts”), then one would hardly be moved by this kind of argument.

7.2 Optimism

Leibniz's account of the nature of possible worlds is dealt with in a separate entry. Here the following simple question will be addressed: How can this world be the best of all possible worlds? After all, as Voltaire brought out so clearly in Candide, it certainly seems that this world, in which one finds no short supply of natural and moral horrors, is far from perfect – indeed, it seems pretty lousy. Certainly only a fool could believe that it is the best world possible. But, Leibniz speaks on behalf of the fool, with an argument that has essentially the following structure:

(1) God is omnipotent and omniscient and benevolent and the free creator of the world. (Definition)
(2) Things could have been otherwise–i.e., there are other possible worlds. (Premise)
(3) Suppose this world is not the best of all possible worlds. (I.e., “The world could be better.”)
(4) If this world is not the best of all possible worlds, then at least one of the following must be the case:
  • God was not powerful enough to bring about a better world; or
  • God did not know how this world would develop after his creation of it (i.e. God lacked foreknowledge); or
  • God did not wish this world to be the best; or
  • God did not create the world; or
  • there were no other possible worlds from which God could choose.
(5) But, any one or more of the disjuncts of (4) contradicts (1) or (2).
(6) Therefore, this world is the best of all possible worlds.

In other words, Leibniz seems to argue that, if one is to hold the traditional theistic conception of God and believe that one can meaningfully assert that the world could have been other than it is, then one must hold that this world is the best possible. Naturally, this argument is simply the Christian retort to the Epicurean argument against theism.

But what are the criteria by which one can say that this world is the best? It should be clear that Leibniz nowhere says that this argument implies that everything has to be wonderful. Indeed, Leibniz is squarely in the tradition of all Christian apologists going back to Augustine, arguing that we cannot have knowledge of the whole of the world and that even if a piece of the mosaic that is discoverable to us is ugly the whole may indeed have great beauty. Still, Leibniz does offer at least two considerations relevant to the determination of the happiness and perfection of the world. He tells us in the Discourse on Metaphysics, first, that “…the happiness of minds is the principal aim of God…” (A VI iv 1537/AG 38) and, second, that “God has chosen the most perfect world, that is, the one which is at the same time the simplest in hypotheses and the richest in phenomena” (A VI iv 1538/AG 39). So, is this world of genocide and natural disaster better than a world containing only one multifoliate rose? Yes, because the former is a world in which an infinity of minds perceive and reflect on the diversity of phenomena caused by a modest number of simple laws. To the more difficult question whether there is a better world with perhaps a little less genocide and natural disaster Leibniz can only respond that, if so, God would have brought it into actuality. And this, of course, is to say that there really is no better possible world.

Bibliography

Primary Sources for Leibniz with Abbreviations

- Confessio Philosophi: Papers Concerning the Problem of Evil, 1671–1678. Translated and edited by Robert C. Sleigh, Jr. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2005.
- The Labyrinth of the Continuum: Writings on the Continuum Problem, 1672–1686. Translated and edited by Richard T. W. Arthur. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2002.
- The Leibniz-Arnauld Correspondence. Edited and translated by H. T. Mason. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1967.
- The Leibniz-Des Bosses Correspondence. Edited and translated by Brandon C. Look and Donald Rutherford. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007.
- The Leibniz-De Volder Correspondence: With Selections from the Correspondence between Leibniz and Johann Bernoulli. Edited and translated by Paul Lodge. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013.
- Lettres de Leibniz à Arnauld d'après un manuscrit inédit. Edited by Geneviève Rodis-Lewis. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1952.
- Logical Papers. Translated and edited by G. H. R. Parkinson. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966.
[GM] Mathematische Schriften. 7 vols. Edited by C. I. Gerhardt. Halle, 1849–63. Reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1963.
[RB] New Essays on Human Understanding. Translated by Peter Remnant and Jonathan Bennett. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.
- Nouvelles lettres et opuscules inédits de Leibniz. Edited by A. Foucher de Careil. Paris, 1857. Reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1971.
- Opera omnia, nunc primum collecta… 6 vols. Edited by Ludovici Dutens. Genevae, 1768.
[C] Opuscules et fragments inédits de LeibnizExtraits des manuscrits… Edited by Louis Couturat. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1903. Reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1961.
[AG] Philosophical Essays. Translated and edited by Roger Ariew and Dan Garber. Indianapolis: Hackett, 1989.
[L] Philosophical Papers and Letters. Edited and translated by Leroy E. Loemker. 2d ed., Dordrect: D. Reidel, 1969.
- Philosophical Texts. Edited and translated by R.S. Woolhouse and Richard Francks. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998.
[G] Die philosophischen Schriften. 7 vols. Edited by C. I. Gerhardt. Berlin, 1875–90. Reprint, Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1965.
- Political Writings. Edited by Patrick Riley. Second edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988.
[A] Sämtliche Schriften und Briefe. Edited by the Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. Darmstadt, 1923 ff., Leipzig, 1938 ff., Berlin, 1950 ff. Cited by Series (Reihe) and Volume (Band). (To date the Akademie edition, Series VI, has the philosophical writings to 1690, plus the New Essays, as well as, in Series II, Leibniz's philosophical correspondence to 1685.)
[SR] De Summa Rerum: Metaphysical Paper, 1675–1676. Translated and edited by G.H.R. Parkinson. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1992.
- Textes inédits d'après les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque provinciale de Hanovre. 2 vols. Edited by Gaston Grua. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1948.
[H] Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God, the Freedom on Man and the Origin of Evil. Translated by E. M. Huggard. La Salle, IL: Open Court, 1985.

Other Primary Sources

[CSM] The Philosophical Writings of Descartes. Edited by John Cottingham, Robert Stoothoff, Dugald Murdoch. 2 Volumes. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
[AT] Oeuvres de Descartes. Edited by Charles Adam and Paul Tannery. 12 Volumes. Reprint, Paris: J. Vrin, 1996.

Secondary Sources

  • Adams, Robert Merrihew, 1972. “Must God Create the Best?” Philosophical Review, 81(3): 317–332.
  • –––, 1983. “Phenomenalism and Corporeal Substance in Leibniz,” Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 8(1): 217–257.
  • –––, 1984. “Predication, Truth and Transworld Identity in Leibniz,” in Bogen and McGuire, How Things Are, Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 235–283.
  • –––, 1994. Leibniz: Determinist, Theist, Idealist, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Aiton, Eric, 1985. Leibniz: A Biography, Bristol: Adam Hilger.
  • Andrault, Raphaele, 2006. “Leibniz et les iatromécaniciens,” Studia Leibnitiana, 38/39(1): 63–88.
  • Antognazza, Maria Rosa, 2008. Leibniz on the Trinity and the Incarnation: Reason and Revelation in the Seventeenth Century, Gerald Parks (trans.), New Haven: Yale University Press.
  • –––, 2009. Leibniz: An Intellectual Biography, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Arthur, Richard, 1985. “Leibniz's Theory of Time,” in Okruhlik and Brown (eds.), The Natural Philosophy of Leibniz, 263–313.
  • Beeley, Philip, 1996. Kontinuität und Mechanismus. Stuttgart: Steiner Verlag (Studia Leibnitiana, Supplement 30).
  • Bolton, Martha Brandt, 1996. “The Nominalist Argument of the New Essays,” The Leibniz Review, 6: 1–24.
  • –––, 1998. “Locke, Leibniz, and the Logic of Mechanism,” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 36 (2): 189–213.
  • Broad, C. D., 1975. Leibniz: An Introduction, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Brown, Gregory, 1987. “Compossibility, Harmony, and Perfection in Leibniz,” The Philosophical Review, 96(2): 173–203.
  • –––, 1988. “Leibniz's Theodicy and the Confluence of Worldly Goods,” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 26(4): 571–591
  • –––, 1992. “Is There a Pre-Established Harmony of Aggregates in the Leibnizian Dynamics, or Do Non-Substantial Bodies Interact?” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 30(1): 53–75.
  • Brown, Stuart, 1984. Leibniz, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Burkhardt, Hans, 1980. Logik und Semiotik in der Philosophie von Leibniz, Munich: Philosophia Verlag.
  • Busche, Hubertus, 1997. Leibniz' Weg ins perspektivische Universum, Hamburg: Meiner.
  • Cassirer, Ernst, 1902. Leibniz' System in Seinen Wissenschaftlichen Grundlagen, Marburg: Elwert; reprinted Hildesheim: Olms, 1962.
  • Coudert, Allison P., 1995. Leibniz and the Kabbalah, Dordrecht: Springer.
  • Couturat, Louis, 1901. La logique de Leibniz. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France; reprinted Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1961.
  • Cover, J.A. and J. O'Leary-Hawthorne, 1999. Substance and Individuation in Leibniz, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Di Bella, Stefano, 2005. The Science of the Individual: Leibniz's Ontology of Individual Substance, Dordrect: Springer.
  • Duchesneau, François, 1993. Leibniz et la méthode de la science, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
  • –––, 1994. La dynamique de Leibniz, Paris: J. Vrin.
  • Fichant, Michel, 1998. Science et métaphysique dans Descartes et Leibniz, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
  • –––, 2003. “Leibniz et les machines de la nature,” Studia Leibnitiana, 35(1): 1–28.
  • –––, 2004. “L'Invention métaphysique” (Introduction to Leibniz, Discours de métaphysique suivi de Monadologie et autres textes), Paris: Gallimard, 1–123.
  • Frankfurt, Harry G. (ed.), 1972. Leibniz: A Collection of Critical Essays, New York: Doubleday.
  • Furth, Montgomery, 1967. “Monadology,” The Philosophical Review, 76(2): 169–200.
  • Garber, Daniel, 1982. “Motion and Metaphysics in the Young Leibniz,” in Hooker (ed.) 1982, pp. 160–184.
  • –––, 1983. “Mind, Body and the Laws of Nature in Descartes and Leibniz,“Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 8(1): 105–133.
  • –––, 1985. “Leibniz and the Foundations of Physics: The Middle Years,” in Okrulik and Brown, Natural Philosophy, 27–130.
  • –––, 2009. Leibniz: Body, Substance, Monad, New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Gaudemar, Martine de, 1994. Leibniz: de la puissance au sujet, Paris: Vrin.
  • Goldenbaum, Ursula, and Douglas Jesseph (eds.), 2008. Infinitesimal Differences: Controversies between Leibniz and his Contemporaries, Berlin: De Gruyter.
  • Guéroult, Martial, 1967. Leibniz: Dynamique et Métaphysique. Paris: Aubier.
  • Hacking, Ian, 1972. “Individual Substance,” in H. Frankfurt (ed.), Leibniz: A Collection of Critical Essays, New York: Doubleday, 137–153.
  • Hartz, Glenn, 2006. Leibniz's Final System, New York: Routledge.
  • Hooker, Michael (ed.), 1982. Leibniz: Critical and Interpretive Essays, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
  • Ishiguro, Hidé, 1990. Leibniz's Philosophy of Logic and Language, 2nd ed., Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • –––, 1972. “Leibniz's Theory of the Ideality of Relations,” in Frankfurt, Leibniz: A Collection of Critical Essays, New York: Doubleday, 191–213.
  • Jalabert, Jacques, 1947. La théorie leibnizienne de la substance, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
  • –––, 1960. Le Dieu de Leibniz, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France.
  • Jauernig, Anja, 2008. “The Modal Strength of Leibniz's Principle of the Identity of Indiscernibles,” Oxford Studies in Early Modern Philosophy, IV: 191–225.
  • –––, 2010. “Disentangling Leibniz's Views on Relations and Extrinsic Denominations,” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 48 (2): 171–205.
  • Jolley, Nicholas, 1984. Leibniz and Locke: A Study of the “New Essays on Human Understanding,” Oxford: Clarendon Press.
  • –––, 1986. “Leibniz and Phenomenalism,” Studia Leibnitiana, XVIII(1): 38–51.
  • –––, 2005. Leibniz, New York: Routledge.
  • Jolley, Nicholas (ed.), 1995. The Cambridge Companion to Leibniz, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Kauppi, Raili, 1960. Über die Leibnizsche Logik, Helsinki: Acta Philosophica Fennica, Fasc. XII.
  • Kulstad, Mark A., 1980. “A Closer Look at Leibniz's Alleged Reduction of Relations,” Southern Journal of Philosophy, 18(4): 417–32.
  • –––, 1991. Leibniz on Apperception, Consciousness and Reflection, Munich: Philosophia Verlag.
  • –––, 1993. “Two Interpretations of the Pre-Established Harmony in the Philosophy of Leibniz,” Synthese, 96(3): 477–504.
  • Lærke, Mogens, 2008. Leibniz et Spinoza: le genèse d'une opposition complexe, Paris: Honoré Champion.
  • –––, 2011. “Leibniz's Cosmological Argument for the Existence of God,” Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, 93(1): 58–84.
  • Leduc, Christian, 2009. Substance, individu et connaissance chez Leibniz, Montreal: University of Montreal Press.
  • Levey, Samuel, 1998. “Leibniz on Mathematics and the Actually Infinite Division of Matter,” Philosophical Review, 107(1): 49–96.
  • Lin, Martin, 2012. “Rationalism and Necessitarianism,” Noûs, 46(3): 418–448.
  • Lodge, Paul, 1998a. “Leibniz's Heterogeneity Argument against the Cartesian Conception of Body,” Studia Leibnitiana, 30(1): 83–102.
  • –––, 1998b. “Leibniz's Commitment to the Pre-established Harmony in the Late 1670s and Early 1680s,” Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, 80(3): 292–320.
  • –––, 2001. “Leibniz's Notion of an Aggregate,” British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 9(3): 467–486.
  • Lodge, Paul (ed.), 2004. Leibniz and His Correspondents, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Lodge, Paul, and Marc Bobro, 1998. “Stepping Back Inside Leibniz's Mill,” The Monist, 81(4): 553–572.
  • Look, Brandon C., 1999. Leibniz and the ‘Vinculum Substantiale’, Stuttgart: Steiner (Studia Leibnitiana, Supplement 30).
  • –––, 2002. “On Monadic Domination in Leibniz's Metaphysics,” British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 10(3): 379–399.
  • –––, 2005. “Leibniz and the Shelf of Essence,” The Leibniz Review, 15: 27–47.
  • –––, 2010. “Leibniz's Metaphysics and Metametaphysics: Idealism, Realism and the Nature of Substance,” Philosophy Compass, 5(11): 871–879.
  • Look, Brandon C. (ed.), 2011. The Continuum Companion to Leibniz, London: Continuum.
  • Martin, Gottfried, 1964. Leibniz: Logic and Metaphysics, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
  • Mates, Benson, 1972. “Individuals and Modality in the Philosophy of Leibniz,” Studia Leibnitiana, IV(2): 81–118.
  • –––, 1986. The Philosophy of Leibniz: Metaphysics and Language, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • McDonough, Jeffrey K., 2008. “Leibniz's Two Realms Revisited,” Noûs, 42(4): 673–696.
  • McRae, Robert, 1976. Leibniz: Perception, Apperception, and Thought, Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
  • Mercer, Christia, 2001. Leibniz's Metaphysics: Its Origin and Development, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • Mercer, Christia, and Robert C. Sleigh Jr., 1995. “Metaphysics: The early period to the Discourse on Metaphysics,” in N. Jolley (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Leibniz, 67–123.
  • Mondadori, Fabrizio, 1973. “Reference, Essentialism, and Modality in Leibniz's Metaphysics,” Studia Leibnitiana, V(1): 74–101.
  • –––, 1985. “Understanding Superessentialism,” Studia Leibnitiana, XVII(2): 162–190.
  • Mugnai, Massimo, 1992. Leibniz' Theory of Relations, Stuttgart: Franz Steiner (Studia Leibnitiana, Supplement 28).
  • Nachtomy, Ohad, 2007. Possibility, Agency, and Individuality in Leibniz's Metaphysics, Dordrecht: Springer.
  • Newlands, Samuel, 2010. “The Harmony of Spinoza and Leibniz,” Philosophy and Phenomenological Research, 81(1): 64–104.
  • Okruhlik, Kathleen, and James Brown (eds.), 1985. The Natural Philosophy of Leibniz, Dordrecht: D. Reidel.
  • Parkinson, G. H. R., 1965. Logic and Reality in Leibniz's Metaphysics, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
  • Phemister, Pauline, 2001. “Corporeal Substances and the ‘Discourse on Metaphysics’,” Studia Leibnitiana, 33 (1): 68–85.
  • –––, 2005. Leibniz and the Natural World: Activity, Passivity, and Corporeal Substances in Leibniz's Philosophy, Dordrecht: Springer.
  • Picon, Marine, 2003. “Vers la doctrine de l'entendement en abrégé: éléments pour une généalogie des Meditationes de cognitione, veritate, et ideis,” Studia Leibnitiana, 35 (1): 102–132.
  • Puryear, Stephen, 2010. “Monadic Interaction,” British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 18(5): 763–796.
  • Rateau, Paul, 2008. La question du mal chez Leibniz, Paris: Champion.
  • Rauzy, Jean-Baptiste, 2001. La doctrine leibnizienne de la vérité: aspects logiques et ontologiques, Paris: J. Vrin.
  • Rescher, Nicholas, 1979. Leibniz: An Introduction to His Philosophy, Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
  • –––, 1981. Leibniz's Metaphysics of Nature, Dordrecht: D. Reidel.
  • –––, 1967. The Philosophy of Leibniz, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall.
  • Rescher, Nicholas (ed.), 1989. Leibnizian Inquiries: A Group of Essays, New York: University Press of America.
  • Rey, Anne-Lise, 2011. “Les paradoxes de la singularité: infini et perception chez GW Leibniz,” Revue de métaphysique et de morale, 70(2): 253–266.
  • Riley, Patrick, 1996. Leibniz' Universal Jurisprudence: Justice as Charity of the Wise, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
  • Risi, Vincenzo de, 2007. Geometry and Monadology: Leibniz's Analysis Situs and Philosophy of Space, Basel: Birkhäuser.
  • Robinet, André, 1986. Architectonique Disjonctive Automates Systémiques et Idéalité Transcendantale dans l'Œuvre de G.W. Leibniz, Paris: J. Vrin.
  • Rodriguez-Pereyra, Gonzalo, 1999. “Leibniz's argument for the identity of indiscernibles in his correspondence with Clarke,” Australasian Journal of Philosophy, 77(4): 429–438.
  • Roland, Jeanne, 2012. Leibniz et l'individualité organique, Montreal: University of Montreal Press.
  • Russell, Bertrand, 1937. A Critical Exposition of the Philosophy of Leibniz, 2nd ed., London: Allen & Unwin.
  • Rutherford, Donald, 1990a. “Leibniz's ‘Analysis of Multitude and Phenomena into Unities and Reality,’” Journal of the History of Philosophy, 28: 525–552.
  • –––, 1990b. “Phenomenalism and the Reality of Body in Leibniz's Later Philosophy,” Studia Leibnitiana, XXII(1): 11–28.
  • –––, 1993. “Natures, Laws, and Miracles: The Roots of Leibniz's Critique of Occasionalism,” in Steven Nadler (ed.), Causation in Early Modern Philosophy, College Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 135–58.
  • –––, 1994. “Leibniz and the Problem of Monadic Aggregation,” Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie, 76(1): 65–90.
  • –––, 1995a. Leibniz and the Rational Order of Nature, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  • –––, 1995b. “Metaphysics: The late period,” in N. Jolley (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Leibniz, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 124–174.
  • –––, 2008. “Leibniz as Idealist,” Oxford Studies in Early Modern Philosophy, IV: 141–190.
  • Schepers, Heinrich, 1965. “Zum Problem der Kontingenz bei Leibniz: Die beste der möglichen Welten,” in Collegium Philosophicum: Joachim Ritter zum 60. Geburtstag, Basel and Stuttgart: Schwabe, 326–350.
  • Sellers, Wilfrid, 1965. “Meditations Leibniziennes,” American Philosophical Quarterly, 2(2): 105–118.
  • Simmons, Alison, 2001. “Changing the Cartesian Mind: Leibniz on Sensation, Representation and Consciousness,” Philosophical Review, 110(1): 31–75.
  • Sleigh, R. C., Jr., 1982. “Truth and Sufficient Reason in the Philosophy of Leibniz,” in Hooker (ed.), 1982, 209–42.
  • –––, 1983a. “Expression, Perception and Harmony in the Discourse,” Southern Journal of Philosophy, 21 (Supplement): 71–84.
  • –––, 1983b. “Leibniz on the Two Great Principles of All Our Reasonings,” Midwest Studies in Philosophy, 8(1): 193–217.
  • –––, 1990a. Leibniz and Arnauld: A Commentary on Their Correspondence, New Haven: Yale University Press.
  • –––, 1990b. “Leibniz on Malebranche on Causality,” in J.A. Cover and M. Kulstad (eds.), Central Themes in Early Modern Philosophy, Indianapolis: Hackett, 161–193.
  • Smith, Justin E. H., 2004. “Christian Platonism and the Metaphysics of Body in Leibniz,” British Journal for the History of Philosophy, 12(1): 43–59.
  • –––, 2010. Divine Machines: Leibniz and the Sciences of Life, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  • Smith, Justin E. H. and Ohad Nachtomy (eds.), 2011. Machines of Nature and Corporeal Substances In Leibniz, Dordrecht: Springer, 2011.
  • Wilson, Catherine, 1983. “Leibnizian Optimism,” The Journal of Philosophy, 80 (11): 765–783.
  • –––, 1987. “De Ipsa Natura: Sources of Leibniz's Doctrines of Force, Activity and Natural Law” Studia Leibnitiana, 19(2): 148–172.
  • –––, 1989. Leibniz's Metaphysics: A Historical and Comparative Study, Manchester: Manchester University Press.
  • –––, 2000. “Plenitude and Compossibility in Leibniz,” The Leibniz Review, 10: 1–20.
  • Wilson, Margaret D., 1976. “Leibniz's Dynamics and Contingency in Nature,” in Machamer and Turnbull, Motion and Time, Space and Matter, London: Routledge, 264–289; reprinted in Wilson 1999.
  • –––, 1978/9. “Possible Gods,” Review of Metaphysics, 32(4): 717–733; reprinted in Wilson 1999.
  • –––, 1987. “The Phenomenalisms of Leibniz and Berkeley,” in Essays on the Philosophy of George Berkeley, E. Sosa (ed.), Dordrecht: D. Reidel, 3–22; reprinted in Wilson 1999.
  • –––, 1999. Ideas and Mechanism: Essays on Early Modern Philosophy, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
  • Woolhouse, R. S., 1993. Descartes, Spinoza, Leibniz: The Concept of Substance in Seventeenth Century Metaphysics, Routledge: New York.
  • Zalta, Edward, 2000. “A (Leibnizian) Theory of Concepts,” Philosophiegeschichte und logische Analyse / Logical Analysis and History of Philosophy, 3: 137–183.

Other Internet Resources

Acknowledgments

The editors would like to thank Sally Ferguson for noticing inaccuracies in a claim and in a quote attributed to Leibniz.

Copyright © 2013 by
Brandon C. Look 


 
 

Citation Meilleur & Mieux


 
 

Citation Dieu & Monde

 

Citation Education & Monde

 
 

Citation Nature & Sauts

 

Citation Dieu & Ocean

 

Citation Miroir & Univers

 

Citation Art & Point

 

Citation Ame & Univers

 

Citation Homme & Existence

 

Questions fréquentes sur Leibniz

 

Leibniz

Chaque corps organique d'un vivant est une espèce d'automate naturel.

9
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz


Citation Meilleur & Mieux
Tout est pour le mieux dans le meilleur des mondes possibles.

7
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz
Citation Dieu & Monde
Le monde jaillit des calculs de Dieu.

5
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz


Citation Education & Monde
Celui qui est maître de l'éducation peut changer la face du monde.

3
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz


Citation Nature & Sauts
La nature ne fait pas de sauts.

2
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz
Citation Dieu & Ocean
Dieu est un océan, dont nous n'avons reçu que quelques gouttes...

2
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz
Citation Miroir & Univers
Chaque substance simple est un miroir vivant perpétuel de l'univers.

1
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz


Citation Art & Point
Il n'y a point d'art mécanique si petit et si méprisable qui ne puisse fournir quelques observations ou considérations remarquables.

1
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz
Citation Ame & Univers
Chaque âme représente exactement l'univers tout entier...

1
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz


Citation Homme & Existence
L'homme doit agir le plus possible car il doit exister le plus possible et l'existence est essentiellement action.

1
Citation de célébrité

Leibniz

https://la-philosophie.com/philosophie-leibniz

Theodicy, in its most common form, is the attempt to answer the question of why a good God permits the manifestation of evil. Theodicy attempts to resolve the evidential problem of evil by reconciling the traditional divine characteristics of omnibenevolence, The term was coined in 1710 by German philosopher Gottfried Leibniz in his work, Théodicée.

Theodicy | work by Leibniz | Britannica

www.britannica.com/topic/Theodicy

In Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: The Hanoverian period …was because he was writing Théodicée (Theodicy), which was published in 1710.In this work he set down his ideas on divine justice, particularly on the problem of evil, arguing that the actual world is the best of all possible worlds that God could have created—a view famously mocked in…

Essais de Théodicée — Wikipédia

fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Essais_de_Théodicée

La réponse de Leibniz est que le monde tel que nous le connaissons est le meilleur des mondes possibles [1]. Histoire. Les Essais de Théodicée sont publiés en 1710 en français à Amsterdam [2], [3]. Il s'agit du seul ouvrage de Leibniz publié de son vivant [3]. Ils sont traduits en latin en 1712 [2].

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gottfried_Leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm (von) Leibniz (sometimes spelled Leibnitz) (/ ˈ l aɪ b n ɪ t s /; German: [ˈɡɔtfʁiːt ˈvɪlhɛlm fɔn ˈlaɪbnɪts] or [ˈlaɪpnɪts]; French: Godefroi Guillaume Leibnitz; 1 July 1646 [O.S. 21 June] – 14 November 1716) was a prominent German polymath and one of the most important logicians, mathematicians and natural philosophers of the Enlightenment.

Theodicy Summary - eNotes.com

www.enotes.com/topics/theodicy

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz’s Theodicy was published six years before his death and has the distinction of being his only book-length philosophical work published during his lifetime. Leibniz ...

Gottfried Leibniz's Theodicy : The Existence Of Evil - 1717 ...

www.cram.com/essay/Gottfried-Leibnizs-Theodicy...

Gottfried Leibniz, a German mathematician and philosopher, offers a theodicy to show that God’s goodness, omniscience, and omnipotence are all consistent with the existence of evil in the universe. His central argument, which will be discussed in detail in the next paragraph, is that we are actually living in the best possible universe. I disagree with his theodicy because it is logically ...

The Project Gutenberg eBook of Theodicy, by G. W. Leibniz

www.gutenberg.org/files/17147/17147-h/17147-h.htm

Leibniz passes from the remarks about his own doctrine under the article 'Rorarius' to other articles of Bayle's dictionary, and touches the question of the origin of evil, and other matters which receive their fuller treatment in the Theodicy.

Theodicy by Freiherr von Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz - Free Ebook

www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/17147

Free kindle book and epub digitized and proofread by Project Gutenberg.

Leibniz on the Problem of Evil (Stanford Encyclopedia of ...

plato.stanford.edu/entries/leibniz-evil

In light of the fact that new translations of Leibniz's central texts devoted to the problem of evil have either only relatively recently been published (CP) or are in process––a new edition and English translation of the Theodicy, by Sean Greenberg and R. C. Sleigh, Jr., is well underway and under contract with Oxford University Press–and given that other new texts, like DPW, that bear ...

Theodicy - Wikipedia

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Theodicy

The term theodicy was coined by the German philosopher Gottfried Leibniz in his 1710 work, written in French, Essais de Théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal (Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God, the Freedom of Man and the Origin of Evil).

Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God the Freedom of Man ...

www.amazon.com/Theodicy-Essays-Goodness-Freedom...

Leibniz asserted that the truths of theology (religion) and philosophy cannot contradict each other, since reason and faith are both "gifts of God" so that their conflict would imply God contending against himself. The Theodicy is Leibniz's attempt to reconcile his personal philosophical system with his interpretation of the tenets of Christianity. This project was motivated in part by Leibniz ...

Amazon.fr - Theodicy - LeibnizGottfried Wilhelm - Livres

www.amazon.fr/Theodicy-Gottfried-Wilhelm-Leibniz/...

Retrouvez Theodicy et des millions de livres en stock sur Amazon.fr. Achetez neuf ou d'occasion Amazon.fr - Theodicy - LeibnizGottfried Wilhelm - Livres Passer au contenu principal

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy)

plato.stanford.edu/entries/leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646–1716) was one of the great thinkers of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and is known as the last “universal genius”. He made deep and important contributions to the fields of metaphysics, epistemology, logic, philosophy of religion, as well as mathematics, physics, geology, jurisprudence, and history. Even the eighteenth-century French atheist and ...

Amazon.fr - [Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God, the ...

www.amazon.fr/Theodicy-Goodness-Freedom...

Noté /5. Retrouvez [Theodicy: Essays on the Goodness of God, the Freedom of Man, and the Origin of Evil] [By: LeibnizGottfried] [February, 1999] et des millions de livres en stock sur Amazon.fr. Achetez neuf ou d'occasion

Leibniz's Philosophy Summary

www.the-philosophy.com/leibniz-philosophy-summary

Leibniz’s Philosophy Summary. share . Wilhelm Gottfried Leibniz, German philosopher and scholar, wrote essentially: – Discourse on Metaphysics (1685) – New Essays on Human Understanding (1704) – The Monadology (1714) The work of Leibniz is huge an ...

Theodicy - Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz - Google Books

books.google.com/books/about/Theodicy.html?id=...

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, one of the last real polymaths, was born in Leipzig. Educated there and at the Universities at Jena and Altdorf, he then served as a diplomat for the Elector of Mainz and was sent to Paris, where he lived for a few years and came into contact with leading scientists, philosophers, and theologians. During a trip to England, he was elected to the Royal Society; he made ...

LeibnizGottfried: Metaphysics | Internet Encyclopedia of ...

www.iep.utm.edu/leib-met

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was born in Leipzig, Germany, on July 1, 1646. He was the son of a professor of moral philosophy. After university study in Leipzig and elsewhere, it would have been natural for him to go into academia. Instead, he began a life of professional service to noblemen, primarily the dukes of Hanover (Georg Ludwig became George I of England in 1714, two years before Leibniz ...

Leibniz's Theodicy - YouTube

www.youtube.com/watch?v=r9JlwcJiQc0

Gottfried Wilhem Leibniz - Duration: 3:45. Strayer 59,030 views. 3:45 . Jonathan Israel Leibniz's Theodicy as a Critique of Spinoza and Bayle Part 1 - Duration: 14:57. Center for Philosophy of ...

Gottfried Leibniz - Wikipedia

hif.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gottfried_Leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (jiske Leibnitz aur von Leibniz ke naam se bhi jaana jaawe hae) (1 July 1646 – 14 November 1716) ek German scientist rahaa jon ki jaada kar ke French aur Latin me likhis rahaa.

Theodicy Analysis - eNotes.com

www.enotes.com/topics/theodicy/in-depth

Gottfried Leibniz originally penned Essais de Théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal ("Essays of Theodicy on the Goodness of God, the Freedom of Man and the ...

Theodicy by Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz - Goodreads

www.goodreads.com/book/show/22179812-theodicy

Theodicy book. Read 14 reviews from the world's largest community for readers. Leibniz was above all things a metaphysician. That does not mean that his ...Les Essais de Théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal, ou plus simplement Essais de Théodicée voire Théodicée forment un livre traitant de théologie, écrit par le philosophe et savant polymathe allemand Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz et paru en 1710, qui tente de résoudre le problème du mal par le concept de meilleur des mondes possibles. Son explication sera raillée par Voltaire dans son conte philosophique Candide.

Essais de Théodicée
sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal

Page de titre d'une édition de 1734 des Essais de Théodicée.

Auteur Drapeau du Saint-Empire Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
Pays Drapeau des Provinces-Unies Provinces-Unies
Genre philosophiethéologie
Lieu de parution Amsterdam
Date de parution 1710
Chronologie

Les Essais de Théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal, ou plus simplement Essais de Théodicée voire Théodicée forment un livre traitant de théologie, écrit par le philosophe et savant polymathe allemand Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz et paru en 1710, qui tente de résoudre le problème du mal par le concept de meilleur des mondes possibles. Son explication sera raillée par Voltaire dans son conte philosophique Candide.

Présentation[modifier | modifier le code]

Les Essais de Théodicée ont pour objectif de résoudre le problème du mal : comment admettre d'une part l'existence d'un Dieu bon, omniscient et omnipotent, et d'autre part l'existence du mal1 ? La réponse de Leibniz est que le monde tel que nous le connaissons est le meilleur des mondes possibles1.

Histoire[modifier | modifier le code]

Les Essais de Théodicée sont publiés en 1710 en français à Amsterdam2,3. Il s'agit du seul ouvrage de Leibniz publié de son vivant3. Ils sont traduits en latin en 17122.

Critique de Pierre Bayle, l'ouvrage est issu des conversations de son auteur avec Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre, reine de Prusse et fille de son employeur, le duc de Hanovre3.

Critiques[modifier | modifier le code]

Dans son conte philosophique CandideVoltaire critiquera de manière satirique la thèse de Leibniz à travers le personnage de Pangloss, qui fait preuve d'optimisme en toute situation1. En vérité, Voltaire y déforme la doctrine de Leibniz par la formule fétiche de Pangloss : « tout est au mieux dans le meilleur des mondes possibles »4. Cette formule est une mauvaise interprétation : Leibniz n'affirme nullement que le monde est parfait mais que le mal est réduit à son minimum4.

Notes et références[modifier | modifier le code]

  1. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a b et c (en) « Leibniz on the Problem of Evil » [archive], sur Université Stanford, 4 janvier 1998 (révisé le 27 février 2013) (consulté le19 décembre 2017).
  2. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b Bibliothèque nationale de France« Essais de théodicée - Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz (1646-1716) » [archive], sur bnf.fr (consulté le7 janvier 2018).
  3. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a b et c Jean-Pascal Anfray, « Leibniz et le meilleur des mondes possibles » [archive], sur Le Point (consulté le 7 janvier 2018).
  4. ↑ Revenir plus haut en :a et b Pascal Engel et Jean Birnbaum, « Leibniz, le dernier esprit universel », Le Monde,‎  (lire en ligne [archive], consulté le14 septembre 2018).

Annexes[modifier | modifier le code]

Articles connexes[modifier | modifier le code]

Liens externes[modifier | modifier le code]

 

Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre

 
 

Sauter à la navigationSauter à la recherche

Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre
Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre.
Fonctions
Duchesse puis reine consort de Prusseélectrice consort de Brandebourg et princesse consort de Neuchâtel
 – 
(16 ans, 9 mois et 3 jours)
Prédécesseur Sophie-Dorothée de Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderbourg-Glücksbourg
Successeur Sophie-Louise de Mecklembourg-Schwerin
Biographie
Dynastie Maison de Hanovre
Date de naissance
Lieu de naissance Bad Iburg
Date de décès  (à 36 ans)
Lieu de décès Hanovre (Calenberg)
Sépulture Cathédrale de Berlin
Père Ernest-Auguste de Hanovre
Mère Sophie de Hanovre
Conjoint Frédéric Ier de Prusse
Enfants Frédéric-Guillaume
 
 

Frederic de Brandebourg en manteau royal (vers 1701)

 
 

Le palais de l’Électrice à Lützow

Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre, née le  à Bad Iburg et morte à Hanovre le , est la première reine consort de Prusse.

Famille[modifier | modifier le code]

Fille d'Ernest-Auguste de Brunswick, évêque luthérien d'Osnabrück, et de Sophie de Palatinat, Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre était la filleule de sa cousine germaine, Élisabeth-Charlotte de Bavière, duchesse d'Orléans et belle-sœur du Roi-Soleil Louis XIV, infatigable épistolière qui avait été élevée en partie par la mère de Sophie-Charlotte.

Sophie-Charlotte était le quatrième enfant du couple épiscopal et l'unique fille d'une fratrie de sept enfants. Elle avait trois frères aînés et trois frères cadets. Ses proches la surnomment affectueusement "Figuelotte".

À la suite de l'Acte d'établissement promulgué par le roi Guillaume III d'Angleterre qui excluait les catholiques de la succession au trône Britannique, le frère aîné de Sophie-Charlotte devint le roi Georges Ier de Grande-Bretagne en 1714. Il est l'ancêtre des souverains britanniques actuels.

Une mère très politique[modifier | modifier le code]

Intelligente et non dénuée d'ambition, la duchesse Sophie de Hanovre mena sa fille en France visiter sa marraine qui demeurait à la cour de Versailles, officiellement pour voir les jardins du château. Officieusement, la duchesse espérait marier sa toute jeune fille au dauphin Louis, héritier du trône.

Nonobstant le très bon accueil que les deux princesses hanovriennes, proches parentes de la belle-sœur du roi reçurent, l'alliance ne fut pas jugée suffisamment brillante pour un futur roi de France et n'aurait apporté aucun profit politique au Royaume. Le père de la "jeune fille" (elle n'avait que 10 ans) n'était même pas Électeur à l'Empire.

Le roi Louis XIV de France montra clairement ses intentions en faisant asseoir les princesses hanovriennes non sur des fauteuils mais sur des chaises. Un message que la cour et les diplomates du temps comprirent fort bien.

Finalement, Sophie-Charlotte, âgée de 15 ans, épousa le  l'électeur de Brandebourg Frédéric III, 27 ans, veuf d'Élisabeth-Henriette de Hesse-Cassel dont il avait une fille née en 1680.

Ils eurent deux enfants :

  • Frédéric (1685-1686)

Comme la plupart des unions dynastiques, ce mariage ne fut pas particulièrement heureux mais l’Électeur laissa à sa femme, qu'il respectait et en qui il avait confiance, une grande liberté ce qui fit jaser et on prêta faussement des amants à cette jeune, jolie et intelligente jeune femme.

En 1696 Sophie-Charlotte reçut de son mari la terre de Lützow ce qui est une preuve éclatante de la confiance que l'électeur portait à sa femme.

Elle y fit bâtir un château où elle reçut les écrivains et les artistes de son temps.

En 1692, le père de Sophie-Charlotte fut élevé à la dignité d'électeur du Saint-Empire romain germanique en remerciement de ses services par l'empereur Léopold Ier.

La reine-philosophe[modifier | modifier le code]

 
 

Le grand philosophie Leibniz, ami et correspondant de l'électrice

 
 

Sophie Charlotte reine "en" Prusse

 
 

Sarcophage de Sophie-Charlotte de Hanovre au Berliner Dom.

Élevée par une mère intelligente qui lisait Rabelais et admirait Montaigne, Sophie-Charlotte avait reçu la même éducation que ses frères ce qui était très original pour l'époque. Aussi avait-elle la réputation d'être une princesse très cultivée.

Polyglotte, elle parlait couramment le français, l'anglais et l'italien. Musicienne, elle jouait du clavecin et œuvra en faveur de l'opéra italien à la cour de Berlin, ce qui n'était pas rien dans ce royaume du nord fortement marqué par le protestantisme.

Comme sa mère également, elle fut une correspondante assidue et une amie proche de Leibniz qu'elle reçut à Lützow.

Elle fut surnommée la Reine-Philosophe.

Reine malgré elle[modifier | modifier le code]

En 1701, la loi anglaise fit de sa mère septuagénaire l'héritière de la couronne britannique.

La même année, le , son mari s'était proclamé roi en Prusse (la Prusse ne se situant pas dans l'empire et étant dégagée des liens de vassalité qui la liait à la Pologne). Cette proclamation fit rire l'Europe et déplut à son épouse. A l'ambassadeur du nouveau roi, Louis XIV répliqua qu'en cette occasion il préférait donner raison à "madame l’Électrice" plutôt qu'à "Monsieur l’Électeur". Nonobstant les railleries de ses pairs, Frédéric Ier franchissait la première étape qui mènera les Hohenzollern à la domination de l'espace germanique au siècle suivant. Sophie-Charlotte fut couronnée en même temps que son mari à Königsberg.

L’Électrice devenue Reine mourut quatre ans plus tard à l'âge de 36 ans, pendant une visite qu'elle rendait à sa mère.

Frédéric Ier, en hommage à cette épouse qu'il estimait, rebaptisa son palais de Lützow en Charlottenburg.

Sophie-Charlotte est la grand-mère de Frédéric II de Prusse.

Hommage

https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sophie-Charlotte_de_Hanovre


 

 

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz
La vie de Leibniz

 
Aperçu La vie de Leibniz Doctrine philosophique Mathématiques Géologie
On peut avec Boutroux diviser la vie de Leibniz en trois périodes : 1° la période des études et des premiers travaux, s'étendant jusqu'en 1672; 2° la période des voyages, de 1672 à 1676, époque où il devint bibliothécaire de Hanovre; 3° la période des résultats, « pendant laquelle il accomplit, dans les divers domaines où se déploie son activité, les oeuvres qui ont manifesté en lui un des hommes les plus profonds comme les plus universels de tous les temps ».

Période des études

La famille de Leibniz était d'origine slave. Son père, jurisconsulte et professeur de morale à l'université de Leipzig, le laissa orphelin à six ans, et sa mère, Catherine Schmucke, fille d'un savant professeur de droit, qui eut soin de sa première éducation, ne tarda pas à lui être enlevée pendant qu'il était à l'université. Aussi Leibniz fut-il, comme il le dit lui-même, « autodidacte ». Ayant appris le latin et le grec dès l'âge le plus tendre et comme en se jouant, il lut d'abord les auteurs anciens et reçut sans y prendre garde l'empreinte de leur pensée et de leur style « comme le visage se colore sans qu'on y pense quand on marche longtemps au soleil ». En possession de la bibliothèque de son père, il s'assimila de bonne heure la philosophie et la théologiescolastiques, trouvant, comme il le dit plus tard, l'or caché dans ce fumier. Ce fut seulement à l'âge de quinze ans qu'il lut les modernes, BaconCardanCampanellaKeplerGalilée et Descartes; et, dès cette époque, il entrevit le problème dont sa philosophie devait essayer de donner la solution. 

« Je me souviens, écrit-il en 1715 à Remond de Montfort, que je me promenai seul dans un bocage auprès de Leipzig, appelé le Rosenthal, à l'âge de quinze ans, pour délibérer si je garderais les formes substantielles des anciens et des scolastiques. »

Il étudia la philosophieà l'université sous la direction de Thomasius, célèbre pour sa profonde connaissance de la philosophie ancienne, et en 1663 écrivit une thèse de baccalauréat, De Principio individui, où il se déclara pour le nominalisme. Puis il alla à Iéna suivre les cours du mathématicien Ehrard Weigel, et il y conçut l'idée d'une méthode philosophique de combinaisons analogue à la méthode mathématique, idée qu'il exposera deux ans plus tard dans son traité De Arte combinatoria.

Cependant, s'étant décidé pour la carrière du droit, il prit à Altdorf, près de Nuremberg, le titre de docteur en droit, avec une thèse De Casibus perplexis in jure où se remarque son goût pour les questions douteuses et les recherches originales. En même temps, il se faisait affilier à la confrérie de la Rose-Croix de Nuremberg et s'adonnait aux expériences de chimie dont il devait s'occuper toute sa vie avec passion. Ce fut à Nuremberg qu'il fit la connaissance du baron de Boinebourg, ministre de l'électeur de Mayence, Jean-Philippe, et qu'il se laissa emmener par lui à Francfort. Devenu conseiller à la cour suprême de l'électorat de Mayence, Leibniz écrivit des ouvrages de jurisprudence et de politique : Methotus nova discendae docendaeque jurisprudentiae, Corporis juris reconcinnandi ratio, Specimen demonstrationum politicarum pro rege Polonorum, sans se désintéresser toutefois de la philosophie, comme le prouve sa Confessio naturae contra Atheistas et sa Dissertatio de stylo philosophico Nizolii où il défend Aristote et saint Thomas contre les reproches de Nizolius. Enfin il dédie à l'Académie française des sciences une Theoria motus abstracti et à la Société royale de Londres une Theoria motus concreti dans laquelle il développe, complète et rectifie les principes du mécanisme cartésien.

Période des voyages 

En 1672, Leibniz vint à Paris dans le dessein de détourner vers la conquête de l'Egypte et l'anéantissement de la Turquie l'ambition de Louis XIV menaçante pour l'Allemagne et pour l'Europe. Il échoue dans ce dessein, mais il profite de son séjour à Paris pour voir plusieurs personnages illustres du temps. Huygensl'initie à la «-profonde géométrie »; les ouvrages de Pascal lui ouvrent tout d'un coup l'esprit et lui donnent des vues qui l'étonnent-lui-même; il s'entretient de théologie avec Arnauld, de politique avec Colbert. Son séjour à Paris dura quatre ans, sauf deux mois qu'il passa à Londres au commencement de 1673 où il se lia avec le physicien Boyle et le mathématicien Oldenbourg. De cette époque date sa grande découverte mathématique du calcul différentiel. On sait qu'elle lui fut disputée par Newton. Il est certain que Newton avait inventé dès 1665 une nouvelle méthode de calcul, la Méthode des fluxions, identique, quant au fond, au calcul différentiel, et qu'il l'avait fait connaître en 1672 à un petit nombre d'amis; il est probable que Leibniz en eut connaissance par une lettre de Newton à Oldenbourg à cette même date de 1672; mais, d'autre part, cette découverte était déjà en germe dans les travaux de FermatWallisCavalieri, et le point de vue auquel se plaçait Leibniz était tout différent de celui de Newton, le géomètre anglais comparant les variations des fonctions au mouvement des corps matériels et faisant de l'idée de vitesse le fondement de son nouveau calcul, tandis que le philosophe allemand, introduisant dans l'analyse nouvelle la notion des quantités infiniment petites, prenait pour point de départ, selon la remarque de Boutroux,   une idée métaphysique et non une image empruntée au monde sensible; et enfin l'algorithme imaginé par Leibniz était autrement clair et fécond que celui de Newton, de sorte que l'on peut dire avec, Biot que « Newton a fait davantage pour sa gloire et Leibniz pour le progrès général de l'esprit humain », et avec Fontenelle que, s'il y eut larcin, ce larcin fut tel « qu'il ne faudrait pas d'autre preuve d'un grand génie que de l'avoir fait  ».

Boinebourg et l'électeur de Mayence étant morts, Leibniz accepta du duc de Brunswick, Jean-Frédéric, la place de bibliothécaire à Hanovre. Il quitta Paris en 1676 et se rendit à Hanovre en passant par Londres, où il fit la connaissance du géomètre Collins, ami de Newton, et par Amsterdam où il vit Spinoza.
 

Période des résultats

Désormais la vie de Leibniz va s'écouler à la cour des ducs de Brunswick, dont il sera le conseiller et l'ami, d'abord de Jean-Frédéric, puis en 1675 de son frère Ernest-Auguste qui lui succède et de la duchesse Sophie, femme d'Ernest-Auguste, enfin de Georges-Louis et de Sophie-Charlotte, fils et fille des précédents, dont l'une deviendra reine de Prusse et l'autre roi d'Angleterre. Pendant ces quarante années, le philosophe de Hanovre développe et réalise les grandes idées qu'il a conçues pendant son séjour à Mayence et à Paris. Son esprit universel touche en même temps à toutes les branches des connaissances humaines, mathématiquesthéologiehistoire, science des languespolitiquephilosophie.
-

Leibniz.
G.-W. Leibniz (1646-1716).
.

En mathématiquesLeibniz publie dès 1684 dans les Acta eruditorum de Leipzig sa Nova Methodus pro minimis et maximis, c.-à-d. son calcul différentiel. En théologie, il essaye de mener à bonne fin dans son Systema theologicum (1686) le projet dont il s'était ouvert dès 1673 à Pellisson, de la conciliation des Eglises chrétiennes, protestante et catholique, mais il ne réussit pas à gagner Bossuet qui cependant s'était écrié : Utinam ex nostris esset! Chargé d'écrire l'histoire de la maison de Brunswick Lunebourg, il s'impose la loi de remonter jusqu'aux sources. Durant trois ans (1687-1690), il parcourt l'Allemagne et l'Italie, interroge les archives et les bibliothèques, recueille et discute les documents; en un mot, donne la premier exemple de critique historique. En 1693, il publie un Codex juris gentium diplomaticus et en 1698 des Accessiones historicae. Puis, en 1701, il commence la publication des matériaux qu'il a recueillis sur la maison de Brunswick, Scriptores rerum Brunsvicensium illustrationi (1701-1711). Son travail personnel, Annales Brunsvicenses, demeura inachevé. 

« Il le faisait précéder, dit Fontenelle, par une dissertation sur l'état de l'Allemagne tel qu'il était avant toutes les histoires, et qu'on le pouvait conjecturer par les monuments naturels qui en étaient restés, des coquillages pétrifiés dans les terres, des pierres où se trouvent des empreintes de poissons ou de plantes, et même de poissons et de plantes qui ne sont point du pays, médailles incontestables du déluge. De là il passait aux plus anciens habitants dont on ait mémoire, aux différents peuples qui se sont succédé les uns aux autres dans ces pays, et traitait de leurs langues et du mélange de leurs langues, autant qu'on en peut juger par les étymologies, seuls monuments en ces matières. » 

Ainsi Leibniz jetait en quelque sorte les fondements de la géologie (dont il s'était déjà occupé dans sa Protogaea, 1693), de l'anthropologie préhistorique et de la linguistique dont il pressentait les grandes découvertes.

En politique, il s'efforça surtout de contribuer au développement de la civilisation en Allemagne, en Europe et même dans le reste de la Terre. Sur ses conseils, l'électeur de Brandebourg, qui allait devenir Frédéric Ier, roi de Prusse, constitue à Berlin une « Société des sciences » (1700), à laquelle Frédéric donnera plus tard le nom d'Académie des sciences (1744). Mis en relation avec le tsar Pierre le Grand par son ami le baron Urhich, ambassadeur de Russie à Vienne, Leibniz lui propose tout un plan de réforme civile, intellectuelle et morale, et principalement la création à Saint-Pétersbourg d'une académie, chargée de faire ouvrir des écoles dans tout le pays, « d'introduire, d'augmenter et de faire fleurir toutes les bonnes connaissances dans l'empire ». Non seulement il prévoit le rôle futur de la Russie dans les affaires de l'Europe, mais encore il comprend la grandeur des civilisations orientales, en particulier de la civilisation chinoise qu'il croit digne de toute l'attention des philosophes et des hommes d'Etat.

En philosophie, il développe, fixe et systématise ses idées dans une série d'ouvrages où se marquent les principaux degrés de l'évolution de sa pensée que Boutroux ramène à trois : la matière, l'âme et Dieu. Au premier degré se rapportent l'opuscule intitulé Meditationes de cognitione, veritate et ideis (1684); un autre intitulé De Primae Philosophiae emendatione et de notione substantiae (1694); le Système nouveau de la nature et de la communication des substances aussi bien que de l'union qu'il y a entre l'âme et le corps, où se trouve exposé pour la première fois le système de l'harmonie préétablie (1695); enfin un traité sur la nature, De Ipso Natura sive de vi insita actionibusque creaturarum (1698), où il oppose sa conception de la nature à celle de Spinoza

Au second degré se rapportent une suite de lettres à Basnage (1698), à Hoffmann (1699), etc., divers opuscules de 1705, 1707, 1710, et surtout les Nouveaux Essais sur l'entendement humain, en réponse à l'Essai de Locke, écrits en 1703, mais publiés seulement en 1765. 

Au troisième degré appartiennent les Essais de théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal, composés à la demande de la reine de Prusse. Les derniers ouvrages de Leibniz, la Monadologie (1714), écrite pour le prince Eugène de Savoie, et les Principes de la nature et de la grâce (1714) sont des résumés de sa philosophie. Toutefois, pendant ses dernières années; Leibniz, dans des lettres à plusieurs savants, reprend quelques points importants de son système; avec le P. des Bosses, il traite de la monade, de la matière, du corps et de la substance corporelle; avec Bourguet, de la perception et de la perfection croissante des créatures; avec Clarke, de Dieu, de l'espace et du temps.

La fin de Leibniz fut isolée et triste. Ses protecteurs étaient morts, et la maladie le clouait sur un fauteuil. Il mourut le 14 novembre 1716 et fut enterré non seulement sans pompe, mais sans aucune suite, sans ministre de la religion, accompagné du seul Eckhart, son fidèle secrétaire. Il passait aux yeux du peuple et de la cour pour un mécréant; et, de fait, si religieux que fût, Leibniz, au sens élevé du mot, il était peu porté vers la pratique; ce fut surtout un « scrupuleux observateur de la religion naturelle ». La Société des sciences de Berlin et la Société royale de Londres restèrent muettes. Seule, l'Académie des sciences de Paris prononça l'éloge de Leibniz par la voix de son secrétaire Fontenelle (13 novembre 1717). (E. Boirac).

http://www.cosmovisions.com/Leibniz01.htm

http://www.cosmovisions.com/bioL.htm

http://www.cosmovisions.com/bioW.htm

LEIBNIZ

Gottfried Wilhem

1646 - 1716

70 ans

Allemand

Leipzig - Hanovre

Mathématicien, scientifique et philosophe et aussi, juriste et diplomate. En fait: polymathe (esprit universel).

Calcul différentiel

Logarithme des nombres négatifs

Logique

Système binaire

Mécanique

 

Inventeur du calcul différentiel et intégral en même temps que Newton. C'est Leibniz qui publie en premier même si Newton aurait conçu son système avant lui. Il semble établi que chacun à fait ses recherches indépendamment. Cependant, ce sont les notations originales de Leibniz qui ont été retenues et encore utilisées de nos jours.

 

Il est à l'origine des mots: fonction, coordonnées, différentiel.

Et des notations:

 

 

En philosophie, il est connu pour son ouvrage la Monadologie et sa démonstration de l’existence et de la perfection de Dieu. Il y expose son célèbre principe de raison suffisante et définit la monade comme l'élément dont est constitué tout l'univers.

 

       

 

Citation

Encouragez tous ceux qui cherchent de nouvelles combinaisons de jouets et de jeux.

Sait-on jamais si d'une petite idée, d'une invention qui semble n'avoir d'autre but que d'amuser les enfants pour Noël, ne naitront pas une magnifique découverte  et une grosse fortune ?

Presse de décembre 1968

 

 

BIOGRAPHIE

 

1646

0

Naissance à Leipzig – Allemagne (140 km au sud-ouest de Berlin).

Père: professeur de philosophie morale; décédé six ans après sa naissance; élevé par sa mère fille d'un juriste et troisième femme de son père.

1653

7

École primaire à Leipzig.

Il apprend seul le latin et le grec. Lisant Aristote et son système logique, il en conçoit sa propre vision.

1661

15

En fait 14 ans, il intègre l'université de Leipzig.

Il y étudie la philosophie et les mathématiques, plus latin, grec et hébreu.

1663

17

Baccalauréat en philosophie ancienne.

Rencontre avec Erhard Weigel à Iéna qui aura une profonde influence sur Leibniz: les nombres sont un concept fondamental de l'Univers.

Leibniz obtient un diplôme en philosophie en exposant les relations entre philosophie et mathématiques.

Études des mathématiques à Iéna, de la jurisprudence à Altdorf, de la chimie à Nuremberg puis le droit à Leipzig.

1665

19

La faculté de droit lui refuse le titre de docteur, car trop jeune.

1666

20

Dssertatio de arte combinatoria – Il y aborde: mathématiques, philosophie, droit et musique.

Il tente de concevoir le raisonnement comme une combinaison de d'éléments de base tels que nombres, lettres, sons et couleurs.

1667

21

Docteur en droit – Université d'Altdorf.

Il entre au service du baron von Boyneburg comme assistant et conseiller de la chancellerie de Mayence. Il est notamment chargé d'améliorer le code civil.

1670

24

Il rédige un texte sur la sécurité de l’Allemagne.

Il devient conseiller à la cour suprême de l’électorat de Mayence.

1671

25

Hypothesis Physica Nova

1672

26

Paris. Il y rencontre Huygens et Malebranche. Travaux sur la sommation des séries.

Sa mission première était diplomatique: convaincre Louis XIV d’attaquer l'Égypte, oubliant ainsi toute ambition envers l'Allemagne.

Premiers travaux sur la mécanique:

Pendant son séjour à Paris (1672-1676), les notes de Leibniz montrent son intérêt pour les lois de la mécanique et il y critique la vision de Descartes. Il formule la loi de la conservation de l’énergie.

1673

27

Plans de sa machine à calculer présentés à Royal Society à Londres.

À Paris comme à Londres, Leibniz militait pour la paix à l'égard de son pays.

À Londres, il rencontre Hooke, Boyle et Pell.

Il est membre de la Royal Society of London.

Il commence à étudier les infinitésimaux.

1675

29

Notion de dérivée et d'intégrale; calcul des variations.

Son manuscrit utilise les notations  et dx

En 1976, il découvre la dérivée de xn = n xn-1 pour n entier comme fractionnaire.

 

1676

30

Mort de Boyneburg, son protecteur.

Colbert lui refuse une pension d'ingénieur.

Retour à Hanovre en tant que bibliothécaire et conseiller aulique (tribunal particulier du prince).

Il entreprend l'écriture d'une encyclopédie scientifique qui ne verra pas le jour. Il formalise ses pensées philosophiques en de nombreux écrits. Il s'occupe toujours de politique.

Correspondance entre Newton et Leibniz

Les longs délais d'acheminement du courrier ont sans doute entrainé une incompréhension entre les deux hommes; au point que Newton suspecta Leibniz de lui avoir volé sa méthode.

Leibniz non admis à l'Académie des Sciences car plus de place pour un étranger, quitte Paris pour Hanovre où il séjournera jusqu'à la fin de vie (soit 40 ans).

1678

32

Il conçoit de moulins à eau et à vent pour le pompage de l'eau dans les mines. Travaux de géologie. Hypothèse d'une Terre en fusion à son origine.

1684

38

Meditationes de Cognitione, Veritate et Ideis – Nouvelle tentative pour former une algèbre du  raisonnement.

Nova Methodus pro Maximis et Minimis, itemque Tangentibus…

Publication exposant sa méthode de calcul différentiel; introduction de la notation en dx et explication du calcul de la dérivée des puissances, des produits et des quotients.

1686

40

Acta Eruditorum – Exposé sur le calcul intégral et introduction de la notation  dans un document publié.

La méthode des fluxions de Newton fut décrite en 1971 et publiée seulement en 1736. Le retard de publication est à l'origine d'un conflit entre les deux hommes.

Discours de métaphysique – Il y expose sa conception de la physique et de la logique.

1689

43

Dynamica de potentia et legibus naturae corporeae – Systématisation la plus aboutie des principes de sa physique (mécanique).

Première version écrite sous l'influence de la lecture des Principia de Newton. Versions suivantes amandées suite à ses intenses discussions avec les savants italiens (1689-1690).

1691

45

Essai sur la dynamique – Introduction des termes d'énergie et d'action.

1699

53

Admis à l'Académie des sciences de Paris.

1700

54

Fonde la Société des sciences de Brandbourg, puis l'Académie de Berlin quelques années plus tard.

1703

57

Explication de l'arithmétique binaire – Il s'interroge sur l'utilité d'une représentation faite de 0 et de 1.

1710

64

Essais de théodicée sur la bonté de Dieu, la liberté de l'homme et l'origine du mal.

1712

66

Nommé conseiller intime de justice par Pierre le Grand.

1714

68

Leibniz fonde de grands espoirs lorsque l'Électeur de Hanovre devient roi d'Angleterre (George Ier): appui dans sa querelle avec newton ou encore espoir d'un poste d'historien à la Cour.

Publie la Monadologie écrite en français.

1716

70

Décès à Hanovre.

Conditions tristes pour ce grand homme. Seule l'Académie de Paris (Fontenelle) lui rend hommage.

 

 

 

Le calcul différentiel – Historique

 

Outil puissant

Pour la première fois, l'homme dispose d'un outil puissant qui traduit sous forme d'équations les lois qui régissent les variations de n'importe quelle grandeur: déplacements, température, vitesse, pression, etc.

Anecdote

Vers 1800, Bernardin de Saint Pierre (auteur de Paul et Virginie) affirme que les marées sont dues à la fonte des glaciers. Moqué par l'Académie, Napoléon lui conseille d'étudier le calcul différentiel pour trouver la réponse par lui-même. 

Antériorité

En 1669, Kepler souhaitait trouver une méthode de calcul de longueur sur les ellipses (quadrature).  Avant lui, Viète souhaitait trouver une théorie pour algébriser l'infiniment petit.

Blaise Pascal et Pierre de Fermat ont travaillé le sujet. S'ils ont jeté les bases, c'est Newton et Leibniz qui vont trouver la méthode révolutionnaire du calcul différentiel.

 

Outil qui permet de travailler avec les courbes transcendantes (non exprimables au moyen de fonctions polynomiales). Par exemple, Leibniz détermine l'équation de la courbe isochrone en 1687.

 La suite

Jean et Jacob Bernoulli ont lu le texte de Newton et avec Leibniz (1693) ont enrichi la méthode.

En 1696, Guillaume de L'Hospital publie: Analyse de l'infiniment petit. Avec lui, la méthode atteint un public plus large.

 

C'est Euler en 1755, qui va aboutir à la version moderne du calcul différentiel et intégral

Publications

Leibniz publie le premier ses travaux sur le calcul différentiel en 1684.

La méthode des fluxions de Newton ne sera publiée que trois ans plus tard. Dans cette version, il cite ses échanges avec Leibniz: je l'ai informé que j'avais une méthode pour déterminer les tangentes et les questions de minima et maxima. Il m'a répondu que lui aussi avait une méthode et ma la communiqua. Elle diffère de la mienne que dans les termes et les signes.

En retour Leibniz le congratule.

Polémique

C'est John Wallis, mathématicien anglais chauvin, voire xénophobe, qui insinue que Newton s'est fait voler son idée. Il est vrai qu'en Hollande, la méthode Leibniz se répand. Wallis publie un traité en 1695 donnant paternité de la méthode à Newton.

Jean Bernoulli prend la défense de Leibniz. Il lance un défi: résoudre la courbe brachistochrone, dite de la plus brève descente. Leibniz trouve la solution (la cycloïde) et Newton est sans réponse ayant dédaigné le problème. Alerté qu'il avait perdu le concours, et de rage, il rédigea la réponse en quelques heures, mais un peu tard.

 

Mérite

La méthode de Newton est plus compliquée que celle de Leibniz, ce que ce dernier laisse entendre.

Newton est furieux. Mais c'est John Neill qui confirme que c'est bien Newton l'inventeur de la méthode. Leibniz attaque en diffamation.

Comité de conciliation

La Royal Society cherche à statuer définitivement. Sauf que ceux-ci sont du côté de Newton. En guise de preuves, ils exhument des manuscrits de Newton antérieurs (1676) à la publication de Leibniz.

Leibniz reconnait avoir eu connaissance de ses lettres mais prétend qu'elles ne disent absolument rien de la méthode. Même l'objet de la méthode était codé sous la forme d'une anagramme.

Bilan

Le plagiat est improbable, tant les deux méthodes sont différentes

*      Newton l'aborde avec le point de vue de la cinématique et la variable temps;

*      Leibniz utilise la géométrie classique qui traite le temps comme d'autres grandeurs.

Même après leur mort, la polémique continue.

LEIBNIZ

>>> Chronologie

>>> Calcul différentiel – Historique

 

Polymathe: personne d'esprit universel; connaissances dans tous les domaines sciences comme arts. Henri Poincaré (1854-1912) est l'un des derniers polymathes. Du grec polus, beaucoup et manthano, savoir. Mathématique vient du grec: mathematikos, qui aime apprendre, via le latin mathematicus.
Polymath est un projet de collaboration en ligne pour résoudre des problèmes de mathématiques.

Leibniz

Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz - Allemand (1646 ; 1716)

 

Cliquer sur l'image pour voir d'autres portraits

 


 

Né à Leipzig le 1er juillet 1646, Leibniz fut un des plus grands génies qui aient existé. A la fois philosophe, théologien, mathématicien, physicien, historien, il cultive et perfectionne presque toutes les branches des connaissances humaines. Son immense érudition et sa vaste intelligence sont servies par une mémoire prodigieuse. Il prend part à tous les travaux scientifiques de son siècle et aux affaires de la vie publique, littéraire et religieuse. Il entretient des correspondances suivies avec tous les savants et les hommes distingués de l'époque.

Les mathématiques ne représentent qu’une toute petite part de l’œuvre de Leibniz. A cette époque, les conceptions philosophiques pour lesquelles il est connu du grand public sont encore intimement liées aux mathématiques. Le Système métaphysique de Leibniz est appelé Système de monades et de l'harmonie préétablie. Selon lui, toutes les substances sont simples et indivisibles (monades veut dire substances simples). La notion d’infiniment petit qui le passionne n’est d’ailleurs pas étrangère à ces concepts philosophiques.

 


Leipzig

Fils d’un professeur de philosophie à l’Université de Leipzig adepte des doctrines de Luther, le jeune Gottfried grandit dans une atmosphère très pieuse.
Il entre à l’Université de Leipzig à l’âge de 15 ans pour y étudier la philosophie, le droit et la théologie.
A 21 ans, il se présente pour être reçu docteur mais, trop jeune, il se voit repoussé et doit partir pour l’université d’Altdorf où il obtient son titre.
Il publie 2 écrits relatifs à l'étude du droit : Nouvelle Méthode pour l’étude du droit et Réforme du corps du droit.

 


Arte combinatoria

En 1666, Leibniz tente de construire un système universel de raisonnement dans Dissertatio de Arte combinatoria, concept qu’il ne poursuivra pas mais qui sera pourtant repris au XIXème siècle par George Boole (1815 ; 1864) et Augustus de Morgan (1806 ; 1871).
Puis en 1670, il écrit deux mémoires de physique générale : l'un sur le mouvement abstrait, l'autre sur le mouvement concret, qu'il adresse à l'Académie des Sciences de Paris.
Ne souhaitant pas obtenir de poste universitaire, il se met au service du baron von Boyneburg à Francfort et devient ensuite attaché à l’électeur de Mayence comme conseiller de Chancellerie.
En 1672, il se rend à Paris pour faire partie d’une mission diplomatique de Louis XIV. Là, il étudie les mathématiques sous la direction de Christiaan Huyghens (1629 ; 1695) qui l’initie aux œuvres de Bonaventura Cavalieri (1598 ; 1647), Gilles Personne De Roberval (1602 ; 1675), Blaise Pascal (1623 ; 1662), René Descartes (1596 ; 1650), James Gregory (1638 ; 1675) ou John Wallis (1616 ; 1703).
De 1673 à 1676, à Londres, il se voit nommé membre de la Royal Society.
Lorsqu’il vient se fixer à Hanovre, il obtient le poste de conservateur de la bibliothèque sous la protection du duc Frédéric de Brunswick qui lui attribue le titre de conseiller aulique. Il restera six années à Hanovre où il sera en même temps chargé d'écrire l'histoire de la maison de Brunswick.

Leibniz consacre également de nombreuses années à concevoir une machine à calculer capable d'effectuer des multiplications et des divisions.

En 1683, il prend part à la fondation des Acta Eruditorum (Actes des érudits). Ce sont des revues conçues sur le modèle du Journal des Savants par lesquelles il diffuse toutes ses découvertes. Il y introduit des notations nouvelles comme l’usage systématique du point (.) pour la multiplication ou du double point (:) pour la division. Il généralise l’utilisation du signe = due à Robert Recorde (1510 ; 1558). On lui doit aussi le terme de « fonction », la notation dy/dx ainsi que le symbole  .

Dans « Nouveaux essais sur l'entendement humain » (1705), Leibniz présente une classification des nombres. Il distingue ainsi l’entier, le rompu (nombre rationnel), le sourd (nombre irrationnel) et le transcendant. Le terme de « rompu » est issu de la traduction du mot « kasr » utilisé par les mathématiciens arabes et signifiant « brisé ».

C’est dans ce journal qu’il publie, en 1684, la plus importante et la plus controversée de ses découvertes, celle du calcul différentiel et intégral.
Ses premiers travaux sur les séries infinies le mènent de fil en aiguille à prolonger les découvertes passées du calcul infinitésimal (calcul dans l’infiniment petit) à partir de la géométrie des courbes, en particulier de leurs tangentes.
Leibniz n’obtient pourtant pas la paternité du calcul différentiel et intégral car au même moment, le très célèbre mathématicien, physicien et astronome anglais Isaac Newton (1642 ; 1727) établie la même découverte.
Newton soupçonnera Leibniz d’avoir eu l’occasion de lire son ouvrage De analysi (1669) lors de son séjour à Londres.


 


Isaac Newton

Les deux hommes auront ensuite quelques correspondances amicales traitant des séries infinies qui passionnent Leibniz.
Mais à partir de 1699, leurs querelles reprennent suite à un article publié à la Royal Society soutenant que Newton est le seul inventeur du calcul infinitésimal.
Leibniz décède dans la solitude le 14 novembre 1716. On raconte que seul son secrétaire assiste à ses funérailles.
Après sa mort, Newton supprimera dans Philosophiae naturabilis principia mathematica (1687) toute référence à Leibniz.
Bien que l’histoire attribue la découverte du calcul différentiel et intégral aux deux grands hommes, ce sont les notations plus commodes de Leibniz qui l’emporteront.

 https://history-computer.com/People/LeibnitzBio.html

 

https://www.uni-muenster.de/Leibniz/DatenII1/II1_B.pdf

Biography of Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Philosopher and Mathematician

 

 Circa 1701, An engraving of Gottfried Wilhelm von Leibniz (1646 - 1716) German mathematician, philosopher and historian.

 Hulton Archive / Getty Images

 
Updated April 18, 2019

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was a prominent German philosopher and mathematician. Though Leibniz was a polymath who contributed many works to many different fields, he is best known for his contributions to math, in which he invented differential and integral calculus independently of Sir Isaac Newton. In philosophy, Leibniz is known for his contributions on a wide range of subjects, including “optimism”—the idea that the current world is the best of all possible worlds, and was created by a freely thinking God who chose this for a good reason.

 

Fast Facts: Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz

  • Known For: Philosopher and mathematician known for a number of important contributions to mathematics and philosophy, such as the modern binary system, a widely used calculus notation, and the idea that everything exists for a reason.
  • Born: July 1, 1646 in Leipzig, Germany
  • Died: November 14, 1716 in Hanover, Germany
  • Parents: Friedrich Leibniz and Catharina Schmuck
  • Education: Leipzig University, University of Altdorf, University of Jena

Early Life and Career

Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz was born in Leipzig, Germany on July 1, 1646 to Friedrich Leibniz, a professor of moral philosophy, and Catharina Schmuck, whose father was a law professor. Though Leibniz attended elementary school, he was mostly self-taught from the books in his father’s library (who had died in 1652 when Leibniz was six). While young, Leibniz immersed himself in history, poetry, math, and other subjects, gaining knowledge in many different fields.

 

In 1661, Leibniz, who was 14, began studying law at the University of Leipzig and was exposed to the works of thinkers such as René Descartes, Galileo, and Francis Bacon. While there, Leibniz also attended summer school at the University of Jena, where he studied mathematics.

 

In 1666, he finished his law studies and applied to become a doctorate student in law at Leipzig. Because of his young age, however, he was refused the degree. This caused Leibniz to leave the University of Leipzig and earn the degree the following year at the University of Altdorf, whose faculty were so impressed with Leibniz that they invited him to become a professor despite his youth. Leibniz, however, declined and opted instead to pursue a career in public service.

 

 Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz. United States public domain

Leibniz’s Tenure in Frankfurt and Mainz, 1667-1672

In 1667, Leibniz entered the service of the Elector of Mainz, who tasked him to help revise the Corpus Juris—or body of laws—of the electorate.

 

During this time, Leibniz also worked to reconcile Catholic and Protestant parties and encouraged Christian European countries to work together to conquer non-Christian lands, instead of waging war on each other. For example, if France left Germany alone, then Germany could help France in conquering Egypt. Leibniz’s action was inspired by France’s king Louis XIV, who seized some German towns in Alsace-Lorraine in 1670. (This “Egyptian Plan” would be ultimately passed on, although Napoleon unwittingly used a similar plan over a century later.)

 

Paris, 1672-1676

In 1672, Leibniz went to Paris to discuss these ideas more, staying there until 1676. While at Paris, he met a number of mathematicians like Christiaan Huygens, who made many discoveries in physics, mathematics, astronomy, and horology. Leibniz’s interest in mathematics has been credited to this period of travel. He quickly advanced in the subject, figuring out the core of some of his ideas on calculus, physics, and philosophy. Indeed, in 1675 Leibniz figured out the foundations of integral and differential calculus independently from Sir Isaac Newton.

 

In 1673, Leibniz also made a diplomatic trip to London, where he showed a calculating machine that he had developed called the Stepped Reckoner, which could add, subtract, multiply, and divide. In London, he also became a fellow of the Royal Society, an honor awarded to individuals who have made substantial contributions to science or math.

 

Hanover, 1676-1716

In 1676, upon the death of the Elector of Mainz, Leibniz moved to Hanover, Germany, and was placed in charge of the library of the Elector of Hanover. It Hanover—the place that would serve as his residence for the rest of his life—Leibniz wore many hats. For instance, he served as a mining engineer, an advisor, and a diplomat. As a diplomat, he continued to push for the reconciliation of the Catholic and Lutheran churches in Germany by writing papers that would resolve the views of both Protestants and Catholics.

 

The last part of Leibniz’s life was plagued by controversy—with the most notable being in 1708, when Leibniz was accused of plagiarizing Newton’s calculus despite having developed the math independently.

 

Leibniz died in Hanover on November 14, 1716. He was 70 years old. Leibniz never married, and his funeral was only attended by his personal secretary.

 

Legacy

 Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz University of Hannover, Germany. Moment Editorial / Getty Images

Leibniz was considered a great polymath and he made many important contributions to philosophy, physics, law, politics, theology, math, psychology, and other fields. He may be most well known, however, for some of his contributions to math and philosophy.

 

When Leibniz died, he had written between 200,000 to 300,000 pages and more than 15,000 letters of correspondence to other intellectuals and important politicians—including many notable scientists and philosophers, two German emperors, and Tsar Peter the Great.

 

Contributions to Math

Modern Binary System

Leibniz invented the modern binary system, which uses the symbols 0 and 1 to represent numbers and logical statements. The modern binary system is integral to the functioning and operation of computers, even though Leibniz discovered this system a few centuries prior to the invention of the first modern computer.

 

It should be noted, however, that Leibniz did not discover binary numbers themselves. Binary numbers were already used, for example, by the ancient Chinese, whose use of binary numbers was acknowledged in Leibniz’s paper that introduced his binary system (“Explanation of Binary Arithmetic,” which was published in 1703).

 

Calculus

Leibniz developed a complete theory of integral and differential calculus independently of Newton, and was the first one to publish on the subject (1684 as opposed to Newton’s 1693), though both thinkers seem to have developed their ideas at the same time. When the Royal Society of London, whose president at the time was Newton, decided who developed calculus first, they gave credit for the discovery of calculus to Newton, while credit for the publication on calculus went to Leibniz. Leibniz was also accused of plagiarizing Newton’s calculus, which left a permanent negative mark on his career.

 

Leibniz’s calculus differed from Newton’s mainly in notation. Interestingly, many students of calculus today have come to prefer Leibniz’s notation. For example, many students today use “dy/dx” to indicate a derivative of y with respect to x, and an “S”-like symbol to indicate an integral. Newton, on the other hand, placed a dot over a variable, like ẏ, to indicate a derivative of y with respect to s, and did not have a consistent notation for integration.

 

Matrices

Leibniz also rediscovered a method of arranging linear equations into arrays or matrices, which makes manipulating those equations much easier. A similar method had first been discovered by Chinese mathematicians years earlier, but had fallen into abandonment.

 

 A statue of Leibniz at Leipzig University. claudiodivizia / Getty Images.

Contributions to Philosophy

Monads and Philosophy of Mind

In the 17th century, René Descartes put forward the notion of dualism, in which the non-physical mind was separate from the physical body. This sparked the question of how exactly the mind and body are related to one another. In response, some philosophers said that the mind could only be explained in terms of physical matter. Leibniz, on the other hand, believed that the world is made of “monads,” which are not made of matter. Each monad, in turn, has its own individual identity, as well as its own properties that determine how they are perceived.

 

The monads, furthermore, are arranged by God—who is also a monad—to be together in perfect harmony. This laid down Leibniz’s views on optimism.

 

Optimism

Leibniz’s most famous contribution to philosophy may be “optimism,” the idea that the world we live in—which encompasses everything that exists and has existed—is the “best of all possible worlds.” The idea is based on the assumption that God is a good and rational being, and has considered many other worlds in addition to this one before choosing this one to come into existence. Leibniz explained evil by stating that it may result in a greater good, even if an individual experiences negative consequences. He further believed that everything existed for a reason. And humans, with their limited viewpoint, cannot see the greater good from their restricted vantage point.

 

Leibniz’s ideas were popularized by the French writer Voltaire, who did not agree with Leibniz that humans are living in the “best of all possible worlds.” Voltaire’s satirical book Candide ridicules this notion by introducing the character Pangloss, who believes that everything is for the best despite all of the negative things going on in the world.

 

Sources

  • Garber, Daniel. “Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm (1646–1716).” Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy, Routledge, www.rep.routledge.com/articles/biographical/leibniz-gottfried-wilhelm-1646-1716/v-1.
  • Jolley, Nicholas, editor. The Cambridge Companion to Leibniz. Cambridge University Press, 1995.
  • Mastin, Luke. “17th Century Mathematics - Leibniz.” The Story of Mathematics, Storyofmathematics.com, 2010, www.storyofmathematics.com/17th_leibniz.html.
  • Tietz, Sarah. “Leibniz, Gottfried Wilhelm.” ELS, Oct. 2013.
 

https://www.thoughtco.com/gottfried-wilhelm-leibniz-4588248